Dropping
into National Review Online occasionally is fun, in the
same guilty way that watching the Three Stooges about
twice a year is. But NRO beats the stooges in that it's likely
to prompt me to write a column like this one, about a
recent article by William F. Buckley, in which he gripes
that people are trying to get the government to justify its
expenditures. Buckley launches his complaint with a remembrance:
"I was
with James Dickey in Florida. We were guests of the United States
government, invited to ogle the capsule with astronauts headed
for the moon. It was very cold and still dark when the moon-bound
streak of fire shot up from the launch pad. Dickey the poet
was frozen in awe and admiration. At breakfast he threatened
to break the neck of a television commentator whom he heard
saying into the mike that the cost of this lunar extravagance
was the equivalent of 126,000 units of low-cost housing. Dickey
was trembling with furious indignation that such vulgar measurements
were being used to discredit the beauty and awesomeness of the
enterprise we had just seen coming up from its womb on a Florida
beach."
It's so
nice that 126,000 people went without houses so that Dickey
could have his little poetic moment. But what kind of a counter-response
is it, to the point the commentator was making, that Dickey
"trembled" with "furious indignation"? Perhaps that all he could
do because he had no rational comeback. How do you think
Dickey might have responded if he had been asked to give up,
say his own house for the privilege of being hosted by
the US government for a ringside seat at that "beauty and
awesomeness"?
Buckley
offers the quip, "[W]e can see the Pharaoh wincing every time
he is reminded of alternative uses of the manpower required
to construct his new pyramid," apparently assuming readers will
agree that, obviously, the Pharaoh was right and his critics
were a bunch of Philistines. He may not be aware of the fact
that the Egyptian Old Kingdom collapsed after the building of
the three Great Pyramids, initiating 150 years of civil conflict
and economic hardship. Could that have been connected to the
fact that three pharaohs had squandered their nation's capital
stock in building giant tombs and then sealing vast amounts
of wealth away to sit uselessly inside of them?
How "important"
the Egyptians besides the builder thought of the pyramids as
being is illustrated by the fact that, if a pharaoh died before
his tomb was finished, work stopped. They were huge monuments
to the king's ego, and the new ruler wanted to get going on
his own! Of course they are lovely to have around now that they've
been built. (But also remember, that's not why the pharaohs
were building them as Mises said,
"The monumental tombs of the Egyptian kings still exist,
but it was not the intention of their builders to make modern
Egypt attractive for tourists and to supply present-day museums
with mummies.") Many other government-built monuments are
"attractive for tourists." But to use that as a justification
for their construction is to fall prey to the fallacy of "what
is seen and what is not seen." All of the resources devoted
to building the pyramids, the Coliseum, the Parthenon, the Taj
Mahal, and so on, could have been used for other wonders if
they had been left in private hands. Since private individuals
shepherd their capital along through time much better than do
states, we might have even more in the way of marvels along
with those 126,000 housing units if not for state depredation.
Buckley
correctly notes, "At workaday levels, we are confronted every
day with alternative uses of our resources, and there can’t
be any reasonable objection to the family’s being asked to weigh
a new car against a vacation in Europe." However, there isn’t
any reasonable objection to asking that the same kind
of weighing go on in considering government expenditures. Buckley
certainly doesn't offer one he merely keeps insisting that
he really, really doesn't like the idea of anyone so
weighing things:
"It is
not recommended that the president of the United States should
be deterred in the use of his airplane by weighing the cost
of the fuel he is prospectively using. His use of his plane
has nothing nothing to do with whether the purpose for
which he used the plane was 'justified.' Justifications of presidential
expenses aren’t relevant."
Well, why
in the world aren't they? Let's say that it cost the entire
annual GDP of the US to take a trip on the plane would it
still be irrelevant to consider them? Aidan Hartley wrote
an article for The Spectator (June 25, 20005) detailing
how African "WaBenzis" – the Swahili name for the
leaders who drive around in fancy cars while their people starve
– use Western aid money to splurge on the fancy vehicles. Samuel
Doe of Liberia had a fleet of sixty Mercedes-Benzes, while Zaire’s
Sese Seko Mobutu kept six spare ones at his summer home. Is
Hartley mistaken to protest this practice? In Buckley’s eyes,
apparently so, for the leaders’ use of these cars should have
nothing nothing to do with whether the purpose for which
they used them was ‘justified.’ I don’t know – maybe if Buckley
had stuck ‘nothing’ in his argument just one more time I’d be
convinced.
In any
case, he goes on: "There has never been a monument constructed
which could have survived the criticism that there were human
priorities being ignored. It is neither feasible nor desirable
to put off the construction of the Lincoln Memorial until it
is established that there is no one in America who is hungry.
Last night, a mere 2,200 people sat listening to 100 choristers,
100 instrumentalists, four soloists, and a conductor, the whole
lot of them flown in from London to perform Verdi’s Requiem
— 90 minutes of music. How justify that?"
It’s quite
remarkable that a "conservative," a person supposedly
in favor of markets, doesn’t grasp any distinction between the
Lincoln Memorial and the concert. You see, Mr. Buckley, the
people listening paid for the concert with their own money.
So long as one accepts the idea of private property, then their
choice on how to spend their dollars requires no (public) justification.
But, to build the Lincoln Memorial, the government spent our
money – and we are certainly entitled to ask for an account
of how it was spent. But, of course, that request might interfere
with the opportunities Mr. Buckley and his high-brow associates
have for enjoying a few minutes of "beauty and awesomeness"
at the expense of a few billion of our dollars. Buckley's old
friends, Ludwig von Mises and Henry Hazlitt, must be turning
over in their graves with every line of this tripe that he writes.