A Demon in Need of Exorcism
by
David Calderwood
by David Calderwood
Recently
by David Calderwood: Before
We Eulogize the Dollar
When writing
or thinking about some organization of people, in the interest of
clarity I try to put things in terms of the individuals who are
acting under the auspices of the umbrella organization. Without
this mental convention I risk attributing their actions to an abstraction,
the façade behind which the actual people who are doing things
hide.
When someone
says, "The government did this," or "The Accounting
Department did that," in neither case is it technically true
that such lifeless abstractions did anything. Only
those men and women in decision-making and administrative roles
acted. For good or ill, it is they who bear responsibility, and
attributing their individual actions to the organization in which
they labor leads to a host of misunderstandings.
The most pervasive
of these is the state.
The state is
the central abstraction by which a catastrophically wrong idea is
placed into practice. It is the organized system for employing violent
action (or its threat) on the part of individuals, for as noted
before, only individuals act. This rationalization occurs on two
levels, first by diffusing responsibility to a fiction and second
by inducing a group-think inversion of standards.
Belief in the
state provides the means for individuals to avoid their own perception
of responsibility. This is how we see the legislator, the cop, and
the judge (along with their armies of support staff) able to survey
the uniformly awful outcomes of their collective actions without
embracing a hint of personal responsibility. They are but cogs in
the machine, they’ll say, and they didn’t make the rules. Even the
legislator will claim that the final bill he voted for was "not
ideal," and that if it was up to him it would be different.
This is the
fountainhead of the phrase, "I’m sorry, I’m just enforcing
the rules" whereby what little personal and private empathy
the enforcer feels toward her victim evaporates under the pressure
of the organization in which she labors. Occasionally we are even
treated to the spectacle of enforcement bureaucrats weeping for
the victims of their actions, like when a judge is "forced"
by statute to unjustly imprison an individual because of "mandatory
minimums."
This bulwark
against personal responsibility extends in almost equal measure
to the victims’ perceptions as well. Rarely are specific individuals
deemed personally responsible for the harms they inflict on the
targets of their work. "He’s just doing his job" is an
oft-encountered comment even among those just given a ticket for
driving a safe speed that happens to be above the posted limit.
Past heads of state, though personally responsible for policies
of murder and mayhem beyond description, are generally treated with
deference and respect in direct proportion to the size of the armies
they commanded and the height of corpse piles left behind.
This elimination
of personal responsibility would be meaningless, however, without
the inversion of moral standards induced by citizens’ personal self-identification
with the state.
Lifelong exposure
to media-carried
circuses and mythology
induces an intense sense of identity with this abstraction by nearly
all participants; suddenly acts deemed universally wrong when performed
by private individuals are rehabilitated into right when performed
by individuals acting on behalf of a social abstraction,
the state. This inversion feeds the near-universal appeal of the
state because it allows individual citizens the opportunity to systematically
act on the violent impulses that reside in each person.
This rationalization
is a powerful process. It allows nice people to nod in agreement
when Dick Cheney issues an unsubstantiated claim that terrorizing
a helpless man by inducing a reflexive sensation of drowning has
saved them from some nameless violence. It allows 19-year-old soldiers
to "follow orders" with near total disregard of normal
standards of humanity, dooming themselves to the living hell of
lifelong regret that underlies the tragic condition of many veterans.
It generates a vicarious sense of power in many people when CNN
shows a video of 500-lb bombs detonating in urban areas. It allows
citizens who abhor the thought of holding pistols in their own hands
the ability to employ costumed enforcers holding pistols to threaten
and even slaughter those whose actions, while not harmful, fall
outside those citizens’ personal opinion of "right behavior."
In every case,
we see the belief in an abstraction, the state, allows people
to act out their darkest fantasies in complete, albeit temporary
freedom from natural laws, limits and personal responsibility. No
wonder the state, particularly its apotheosis, democracy,
is so revered: In the name of any definable Greater Good, any
action undertaken by those claiming membership in the state
is sanctified. This renders every participant in the political process
a co-tyrant; each voter unconsciously enjoys the possibility of
seeing everyone compelled to populate his or her own particular
Utopia. In the name of stamping out racism or sexism in people’s
minds, or eliminating poverty or violence, people ardently demand
statism and poverty-inducing taxation/regulation, all enforced
by violence. Only the abstraction, the state, allows them the means
to rationalize acting upon these dark fantasies by creating a collective
morality that is an inversion of the neighbor-to-neighbor kind.
It does not
require an obsession with the language to reject the silly notion
that christening violence and threats with a word, government,
thereby absolves of wrongdoing all the individuals employing violence
and threats. Truly peaceful people recoil from giving physical reality
to their darkest impulses. We reject any special "collective
morality" and the magical thinking about the state which supports
it.
This view may
explain how an abstract abomination polluting human endeavor has
exhibited such a tenacious hold on people. Belief in the efficacy
and utility of the state has reached apogee in our lifetimes despite
its uninterrupted record of failure.
This means
that caution is warranted; as we experience the greatest failure
of collectivist policy in centuries, by no means is it the end of
statism as we know it. The demon of collective violence is buried
deeply and it will probably not be exorcised quickly, meaning far
more difficulty ahead for the wise, who trust in and love liberty.
October 9, 2009
David
Calderwood [send him mail]
a businessman, artist, and author of the novel Revolutionary
Language, selected January 2000 Freedom Book of the Month
at Free-market.net.
Copyright
© 2009 by David C. Calderwood
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