Stopping the Next War
by
Patrick
J. Buchanan
by
Patrick J. Buchanan
DIGG THIS
President Bush
has won the Battle of September.
When he
turns over the presidency on Jan. 20, 2009, there will likely be
as many U.S. troops in Iraq as there were when Congress was elected
to bring them home in November 2006.
That is
the meaning of Gen. Petraeus' recommendation, adopted by President
Bush, that 6,000 U.S. troops be home by Christmas and the surge
of 30,000 ended by April. Come November 2008, there will likely
still be 130,000 U.S. soldiers in Iraq.
Will this
make America safer, Sen. John Warner, R-Va., asked. "I don't know,"
answered the general. An honest answer. None of us know.
The general
did know, however, that "a premature drawdown of our forces would
likely have devastating consequences."
So we are
trapped, fighting a war in which "victory" is not assured and perhaps
not attainable – to avert a strategic disaster and humanitarian
catastrophe should we walk away.
While the
posturing of the Democrats, using Petraeus as a foil for their frustration
and rage, was appalling, it is understandable. For, as this writer
warned the day Baghdad fell, this time, we really "hit the tar baby."
What has
the war cost? Going on 3,800 U.S. dead and 28,000 wounded. More
than 100,000 Iraqis are dead; 2 million, including most Christians
and much of the professional class, have fled. Millions have been
ethnically cleansed from neighborhoods where their families had
lived for generations.
Once the
most advanced country in the Arab world, Iraq has been devastated
and is coming apart. Sectarian, civil and tribal war has broken
out. Al-Qaida has a presence. And it is a fair prediction that when
the Americans depart, they will have fought the longest war in their
history, only to have replaced the Sunni dictatorship of Saddam
Hussein with a Shia dictatorship aligned with Iran.
Across
the region, the situation appears bleak. In Pakistan, al-Qaida has
reconstituted itself. Bin Laden is sending out tapes. Gen. Musharraf,
who rules a nation of 170 million with atom bombs, is floundering.
The Taliban have made a comeback. As our allies have left or are
leaving Iraq, including the Brits, so, too, the NATO allies in Afghanistan
are wearying of the struggle.
In the
United States, the war has taken its toll, as do all no-win wars.
With the cost of the two wars closing in on $1 trillion, we are
as divided as we were during Korea and Vietnam.
As Truman
fell to 23 percent after firing Gen. MacArthur, and was drubbed
in New Hampshire, and LBJ broken after Tet and dropped out, Bush
has seen his support fall from near 90 percent at "Mission Accomplished"
to near 30 percent. Approval of his war leadership is virtually
nonexistent.
Gen. Petraeus
is trusted; his commander-in-chief is not.
To the
cost of our dead and wounded must be added the near-breaking of
the U.S. Army, the estrangement of our allies and the pandemic hatred
of America across the Arab world.
As for
the "cakewalk" crowd that accused opponents of the war of lacking
in patriotism, they never repented their demagoguery. Despite the
pre-invasion propaganda they pumped out about Saddam's awesome weapons
and ties to 9-11, or their assurances that U.S. troops would be
welcomed with candy and flowers, like Paris in '44, and their prediction
that a democracy would arise in Iraq to which Islamic nations would
look as a model, they have never been called to account.
Now they
are back with a new enemy for America to attack.
This time
the target is Tehran – and once again, they have the ear of this
most ideological and unreflective of presidents.
Speaking
to the American Legion, Bush used rhetoric against Iran equal in
bellicosity to anything he used on Iraq before invading.
Iran "is
the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism." Iran "funds terrorist
groups like Hamas. ... Iran is sending arms to the Taliban." Iran's
pursuit of nuclear technology threatens to put the Middle East and
Gulf "under the shadow of a nuclear holocaust."
As
Bush ratchets up the rhetoric, Russia, China and, reportedly, Germany
are balking at new U.N. sanctions. That leaves Bush only the military
option if he wishes to effect the nuclear castration of Iran. And
Gen. Petraeus just provided him the rationale.
"It is
increasingly apparent," said Petraeus, "that Iran, through the use
of the Quds Force, seeks to turn the Iraqi Special Groups into a
Hezbollah-like force to serve its interests and fight a proxy war
against the Iraqi state and coalition forces in Iraq."
Petraeus'
charge that Iran is fighting a "proxy war" against America comports
with the new War Party propaganda line that we have been at war
with Iran since 1979 and Bush needs no authorization from Congress
to fight it more aggressively.
Congress
gave Bush a blank check for the Iraq war. Any chance Congress will
at least insist the administration come to Capitol Hill to make
the case for the next war, on Iran, before Bush launches it? Probably
not.
September
15, 2007
Patrick
J. Buchanan [send
him mail] is co-founder and editor of The
American Conservative. He is also the author of seven books,
including Where
the Right Went Wrong, and A
Republic Not An Empire.
Copyright
© 2007 Creators Syndicate
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J. Buchanan Archives
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