Why Are We Baiting Putin?
by
Patrick
J. Buchanan
by
Patrick J. Buchanan
"(N)o legitimate
interest is served when oil and gas become tools of intimidation
or blackmail, either by supply management or attempt to monopolize
transportation," thundered Vice President Cheney to the international
pro-democracy conference in Vilnius, Lithuania.
"(N)o one
can justify actions that undermine the territorial integrity of
a neighbor, or interfere with democratic movements."
Cheney's
remarks were directed straight at the Kremlin and President Vladimir
Putin, who is to host the G-8 Conference in July.
Cheering
Cheney on is John McCain, front-runner for the GOP nomination, who
has urged President Bush to snub Putin by boycotting the G-8 summit.
What the GOP is thus offering the nation right now is seven more
years of in-your-face bellicosity in foreign policy.
What does
McCain think we would accomplish – other than a new parading of
our moral superiority – by so public an insult to Putin and Russia
as a Bush boycott of the St. Petersburg summit? Do we not have enough
trouble in this world, do we not have enough people hating us and
Bush that we have to get into Putin's face and antagonize the largest
nation on earth and a co-equal nuclear power? What is the purpose
of this confrontation diplomacy? What does it accomplish?
Eisenhower
and Nixon did not behave like this. Nor did Ford or Bush's father.
Reagan called the Soviet Union an "evil empire" once. But the Soviet
Union we confronted in those years was hostile. Until lately, today's
Russia was not. Yet the Bush boys are in their pulpits, admonishing
the world's sinners every day.
What is
their beef with Putin's policy?
In January,
Putin decided to stop piping subsidized gas to Kiev and start charging
the market price. Reason: Ukraine's president, elected with the
assistance of U.S. foundations and quasi-government agencies, said
he was reorienting Kiev's foreign policy away from Russia and toward
NATO and the United States.
If you
are headed for NATO, Putin was saying to President Viktor Yushchenko,
you can forget the subsidized gas.
Now this
is political hardball, but it is a game with which America is not
altogether unfamiliar. When Castro reoriented his policy toward
Moscow, Cuba's sugar allotment was terminated. U.S. diplomats went
all over the world persuading nations not to buy from or sell to
Cuba. Economic sanctions on Havana endure to today. We supported,
over Reagan's veto, sanctions on South Africa. We have used sanctions
as a stick and access to the U.S. market as a carrot since we became
a nation. What, after all, was "Dollar Diplomacy" all about?
Cheney
accuses Moscow of employing pipeline diplomacy – i.e., using its
oil and gas pipelines to benefit some nations and cut out others.
But the United States does the same thing, as it seeks to have the
oil and gas of Central Asia transmitted to the West in pipelines
that do not transit Iran or Russia.
"(N)o one
can justify actions that undermine the territorial integrity of
a neighbor," declared Cheney in Vilnius. How the vice president
could deliver that line with a straight face escapes me.
Does Cheney
not recall our "Captive Nations Resolutions," calling for the liberation
of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, which, though free between the
two world wars, had long belonged to the Russian empire? Does he
not recall conservative support for the breakup of the Soviet Union?
Does he not recall conservative support for the secession of Slovenia,
Croatia and Bosnia, and more recently Kosovo, from a Serb-dominated
Yugoslavia?
What concerns
Cheney is Moscow's support for the secession of Abkhazia and South
Ossetia from Georgia. Georgia's president was also elected with
the aid of pro-democracy NGOs, mostly funded by Uncle Sam. All these
color-coded revolutions in East Europe and Central Asia bear the
label, Made in the U.S.A.
When Cheney
says, "No one can justify actions that ... interfere with democratic
movements," he is hauling water for Freedom House, headed by ex-CIA
Director James Woolsey, and similar agencies, which Putin wants
shut down or kicked out of Russia for interfering in her internal
affairs.
We
Americans consider the Monroe Doctrine – no foreign power is to
come into our hemisphere – to be holy writ. Why, then, can we not
understand why Russia might react angrily to our interference in
her politics or the politics of former Russian republics?
The effect
of U.S. expansion of NATO deep into Eastern Europe, U.S. interference
in the politics of the former Soviet republics, and U.S. siting
of military bases in the Balkans, Eastern Europe and Central Asia
has been to unite Russia and China, and undo the diplomacy of several
successive U.S. presidents.
How
has this made us more secure?
If we don't
want these people in our backyard, what are we doing in theirs?
If we don't stop behaving like the British Empire, we will end up
like the British Empire.
May
9, 2006
Patrick
J. Buchanan [send
him mail] is co-founder and editor of The
American Conservative. He is also the author of seven books,
including Where
the Right Went Wrong, and A
Republic Not An Empire.
Copyright
© 2006 Creators Syndicate
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J. Buchanan Archives
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