Is
Obama Shaping a New Majority?
by
Patrick
J. Buchanan
Recently
by Patrick J. Buchanan: Is
Hagel Out of the Mainstream?
In the 20th
century, only two presidents shaped new governing coalitions that
outlasted them. They were the only two men to appear on five national
tickets.
The first was
FDR, who rang down the curtain in 1932 on the seven decades of Republican
hegemony since Abraham Lincoln that had seen only two Democrats
in the White House. And Grover Cleveland and Woodrow Wilson had
made it only because of divisions inside the GOP.
Franklin Roosevelt
would win four terms, and his party would win the presidency in
seven of nine elections between 1932 and 1968.
Richard Nixon
was the next craftsman of a governing coalition. While he won with
only 43 percent in 1968, by 1972 he had cobbled together a New Majority
that would give the GOP four victories in five elections between
1972 and 1988. In two of those victories, Nixon and Ronald Reagan
would roll up 49-state landslides.
Roosevelt and
Nixon both employed the politics of conflict and confrontation,
not conciliation, to smash the old coalition. Find me something
to veto, Roosevelt once said to his aides, seeking to start a fight
with his adversaries to rally his grumbling troops.
"They hate
me, and I welcome their hatred," said FDR in the 1936 campaign.
He believed that if a slice of the electorate was incorrigibly hostile,
one ought not appease or court them, but use them as a whipping
boy to rally the majority. With FDR, the foil was Wall Street, the
"money-changers in the temple of our civilization."
With Nixon
it was urban rioters and campus anarchists and their academic apologists
and elite enablers, and the demonstrators who blocked troop trains
and carried Viet Cong flags as they chanted: "Ho, Ho, Ho Chi Minh!
The NLF Is Going to Win!"
In the late
'60s and early '70s, Southern conservative Democrats and Northern
Catholics and ethnics left the party of their fathers in droves
to join The New Majority of Richard Nixon, which they saw as representing
their values and standing for peace with honor.
Barack Obama
seems to be taking a page out of the playbook of these coalition
builders. Since re-election, he has been actively seeking out confrontations
to drive wedges through the Republican Party.
"Positive polarization,"
it was once called.
Rather than
do a deal with Speaker John Boehner and offer one-for-one budget
cuts for tax hikes, the president forced congressional Republicans
into a humiliating climb-down and public retreat that split the
House majority asunder. The he spiked the football to rub it in,
saying he had made good on his pledge to make the rich pay.
While Obama
declined to do battle for his favorite for State, U.N. Ambassador
Susan Rice, a battle that would have united Republicans, he has
chosen to do battle for Chuck Hagel for Defense.
As Hagel is
a conservative Republican, this has already divided the GOP foreign
policy realists from the neocons and the War Party.
If Hagel is
confirmed, Republican resistance will have been routed. If Hagel
is rejected, the Republican Party will be damaged in the eyes of
many for having trashed a patriot, war hero and friend of veterans
who put America first and wanted no more unnecessary wars.
Nixon lost
the first two battles he waged to put a Southern jurist on the Supreme
Court, then castigated the Senate for perpetrating acts of "regional
discrimination," and went on to win all 11 states of the Confederacy
in 1972. It's called winning by losing.
Obama's selection
of White House Chief of Staff Jacob Lew for treasury secretary,
a former budget director whose intransigence in negotiations antagonized
Hill Republicans, looks to be another fight the president is picking
to portray the GOP as obstructionists who cannot accept the verdict
of 2012.
The president
is also taking a no-negotiations stance on the debt ceiling, saying
he refuses to pay ransom to the GOP to prevent their destroying
the nation's credit rating. Republicans would do well to walk this
terrain before choosing to fight upon it.
The coming
gun battle, too, is one in which Obama seems to be seeking a clash
where, should he lose on the assault weapons ban, he wins with the
public and tars Republicans as lapdogs of the National Rifle Association.
And the next time a massacre occurs, as inevitably it will, is there
any doubt whom the Democrats will hold responsible?
The
president has many weapons in his coming clashes with the congressional
Republicans. He has the presidency itself, the bully pulpit. He
has forums like the Inaugural Address and State of the Union that
Republicans cannot match.
He has a press
that deeply dislikes the Republican right and serves as his echo
chamber. And while the White House speaks with a single voice, the
Republican Party is a cacophony of voices.
With demography
moving against the GOP, with more and more Americans becoming dependent
upon government, it will take leadership not yet visible to rescue
the Republican Party from the fate Barack Hussein Obama has in store
for it.
January
15, 2013
Patrick
J. Buchanan [send
him mail] is co-founder and editor of The
American Conservative. He is also the author of seven books,
including Where
the Right Went Wrong, and Churchill,
Hitler, and the Unnecessary War. His latest book is Suicide
of a Superpower: Will America Survive to 2025? See his
website.
Copyright
© 2013 Creators Syndicate
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