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President
Who?
In
a truly free society, it wouldn't matter who the president was.
We wouldn't have to vote or pay attention to debates. We could ignore
campaign commercials. There would be no high stakes for ourselves,
our families, or the country. Liberty and property would be so secure
that we could curse him, love him, or forget about him.
This
was the system the framers set up, or people believed they were
getting, with the U.S. Constitution. The president would never concern
himself with the welfare of the American people. The federal government
had no say over it. That was left to the people's political communities
of choice; here we were to govern ourselves and plan our own future.
The
president was mostly a figurehead, a symbol. He had no public wealth
at his disposal. He administered no regulatory departments. He could
not tax us, send our children into wars, pass out welfare to the
rich and poor, appoint judges to take away our rights, keep dossiers
on the citizenry, control a central bank, or change the laws willy
nilly according to the wishes of special interests.
His
job was to oversee a tiny government with virtually no powers ("few
and defined," Madison said) except to arbitrate disputes among the
states, which were the primary governmental units. If the president
transgressed his power, he would be impeached as a criminal. But
impeachment would not be likely, because the threat was so ominous,
it reminded him of his place.
He
was also temperamentally unlikely to abuse his power because he
was to be a man of outstanding character, well respected by the
other leading men in society. He could be a wealthy heir, a successful
businessmen, a highly educated intellectual, or a successful farmer.
Regardless, his powers were to be minimal.
All
this astonished Alexis de Tocqueville in 1830. "No citizen," he
wrote, "has cared to expose his honor and his life in order to become
the President of the United States, because the power of that office
is temporary, limited, and subordinate." The president "has but
little power, little wealth, and little glory to share among his
friends; and his influence in the state is too small for the success
or the ruin of a faction to depend upon his elevation to power."
To
make sure it stayed this way, the vice president was to be a political
adversary. He was there to remind the president that he was eminently
replaceable. In this way, the veep's office was powerful, not over
the people, but in keeping the central government in check.
The
president was not elected by majority vote, but by electors chosen
by the states. Most citizens could not vote. Those who could were
deemed the most prudential and far-seeing of their fellows. They
owned land, headed households, and were highly educated. And they
were to think only of the security, stability, and liberty of the
country, and the well-being of future generations.
For
nonvoters, their liberty was to be secure no matter who won. They
would have no access to special rights. Yet their rights to person,
property, and self government were never in doubt. For all practical
purposes, they could forget about the president and, for that matter,
the rest of the federal government. It might as well not exist.
People
did not pay taxes to it. It did not tell people how to conduct their
lives. It did not fight foreign wars, regulate their schools, pay
for their retirement, surround their homes with police, bail out
their business, provide for their retirement, much less employ them
to spy on their neighbors.
Political
controversies were centered at the level of the state and local
governments. That included taxes, education, crime, welfare, and
even immigration. The only exception was the general defense of
the nation. The president was responsible for that. But with a small
standing army, it was a minor position, absent a congressionally
declared war.
There
were two types of legislators in Washington: members of the House
of Representatives, a huge body of statesmen that was to grow larger
with the population, and members of the Senate, who were elected
by powerful state legislatures. The Congress's main power consisted
of keeping the executive's power in check.
Under
the original design, the politics of this country was to be extremely
decentralized, but the community to be united in another respect:
by an economy that is perfectly free and a system of trade that
allows people to voluntarily associate, innovate, save, and work
based on mutual benefit. The economy was not to be controlled, hindered,
or even influenced by any central commands.
People
were allowed to keep what they earned. The money people used to
trade with was sold, stable, and backed by specie. Capitalists could
start and close businesses at will. Workers were free to take any
job they wanted at any wage or any age. Business's only mission
was to serve the consumer and make a profit.
There
were no labor controls, mandated benefits, payroll taxes, special
benefits, or other regulations. For this reason, everyone was to
specialize in what he did best, and the peaceful exchanges of voluntary
enterprise caused ever-widening waves of prosperity throughout the
country.
What
shape the economy took whether agricultural, industrial,
or high-tech was to be of no concern to the federal government.
Trade was allowed to take place naturally and freely, and everyone
understood that it was better managed by property holders than by
public office holders. The federal government couldn't impose internal
taxes if it wanted to, much less taxes on income, and trade with
foreign nations was to be rivalrous and free. The only tariffs were
to be revenue tariffs, and thus necessarily low to maximize trade
and therefore revenue.
If
by chance this system of liberty began to break down, he states
had an option: to separate themselves from the federal government
and form a new government. The law of the land was widely understood
to make secession possible. In fact, it was part of the guarantee
required to make the Constitution possible to begin with.
This
system reinforced the fact that the president is not the president
of the American people, much less their commander in chief, but
merely the president of the United States. He served only
with their permission and only as the largely symbolic head of this
voluntary unity of prior political communities.
In
this society without central management, a vast network of private
associations served as the dominant social authority. The churches,
unrestricted by federal intrusion, wielded vast influence over public
and private life, as did civic groups and community leaders of all
sorts. They created a huge patchwork of associations and a true
diversity in which every individual and group found a place.
This
combination of political decentralization, economic liberty, free
trade, and self government created, day by day, the most prosperous,
peaceful, and just society the world has ever known.
In
such a system, there would be little at stake in the upcoming November
election. No matter which way it went, we would retain our liberty
and property, and our families would never be bothered by any central
government.
Today,
however, the Washington, D.C.-area is the richest in the country
because it's host to the biggest government on the planet. It has
more employees, resources, and powers at its disposal than any on
the face of the earth. It regulates in finer detail than any other
government. Its military empire is the largest and most far-flung
in history. Just its tax take dwarfs the total wealth of the old
Soviet Union.
The
only remedy is to restore the classical liberal society of the framers.
We do not need, as the media claim, the "strong leadership" of a
bully with a pulpit. The man for the job is someone who can disappear,
and help make the rest of the federal government vanish with him.
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