John
Ashcroft: Postmodern Bureaucrat
by
William L. Anderson
For
the past several weeks, congregants in our church during the evening
service have been watching a series of films by the evangelist Ravi
Zacharias on the effects of postmodernism on modern culture. (For
those who don’t know, postmodernism is a line of thinking that denies
any possibility of Truth, and is the dominant "guiding light" –
darkness? – in academe these days.) We know it also as a form of
"relativism," or what Ludwig von Mises described as "polylogism"
in his classic book Human
Action.
Of
course, Zacharias made the point that the Christian faith and postmodernism
are incompatible, as Christianity asserts that God is Truth and
that it is manifest through the Church and through the Scriptures.
During the discussion that followed, one of our members, a local
doctor, asked how what Zacharias was saying had anything to do with
how we really lived in society. In other words, he was wondering
if the reality of postmodern thinking was just something limited
to the esoteric climes of the academic world.
My
reply to him was that the increasing numbers of laws that are choking
his work and leaving him increasingly vulnerable to the whims of
federal prosecutors who might decide one day to charge him with
160 counts of "fraud" or "racketeering" was an example of postmodernism
in action. While my answer was not satisfactory to him, I tried
to explain things more cohesively, and the more I thought about
my statements, the more John Ashcroft came to mind.
One
does not immediately associate John Ashcroft, the national government’s
attorney general, with postmodernism. Ashcroft, as we know ad
nauseum, is a Christian Pentecostal, known for his belief in
God and Absolute Truth. In fact, many members of Congress and the
"non-partisan" groups that help pull their strings objected to Ashcroft’s
appointment precisely because of his religious beliefs. (No
matter that the U.S. Constitution expressly forbids a "religious
test" for government officials. Congress gives us one, anyway, and
no one pays a price for it.)
On
the surface, it would seem that Ashcroft is the polar opposite of
someone who practices postmodern beliefs, but, as I shall point
out, whether or not he believes in postmodernism – and I don’t doubt
his claim that he does not – he is a postmodernist through and through.
Let me begin, then, with a further explanation of how postmodern
thought plays out in our society.
Those
influenced by postmodern thinking do not simply inhale these ideas,
and then live as though they did not exist. Indeed, in the vacuum
created by the absence of belief in God, people substitute other
things, and in modern America, that substitute is the raw exercise
of power, and especially political power. Since there is no Truth
in their minds, there is only the acquisition of power that gives
one meaning.
Now,
such people will say that they wish to use their power to do those
things that are good; I know of no political animal that openly
asserts they wish to do evil. However, the exercise of power without
a polestar of Truth ultimately becomes the tool of ambition. Bill
Clinton, often nicknamed our country’s "first postmodern president,"
was a master of using his powers to further his own political fortunes.
I would add that most members of Congress pretty much do the same.
In the name of doing good, they do much evil, and even much of the
so-called good that they do is little more than the forced transfer
of wealth from individuals who do not have adequate political support
to those who do.
Where
the absence of a guiding light of Truth is really felt is in the
creation and administration of law. When I replied to the doctor’s
question that evening in church, I mentioned the new privacy law
that has his profession utterly perplexed. This is a law, I said,
that no one in Congress actually read (it is true, few members
of Congress actually read the laws they pass) before or after its
passage, and that leaves wide discretion of enforcement to law enforcement
bureaucrats and prosecutors.
How
does this play out in the legal arena? First, I give you Rudy Guiliani.
As has been shown on the recent pages of LRC and Mises.org, Guiliani
made a name for himself by prosecuting alleged "white collar" criminals
on Wall Street during the 1980s, his biggest prize being the guilty
plea of Michael Milken, the so-called Junk Bond King.
As
Paul Craig Roberts and others eloquently have pointed out, it never
was clear that Milken actually committed any crimes. Many others
who Guiliani prosecuted in his high-profile activities as U.S. attorney
for Manhattan also fell into the same category.
Yet,
guilt or innocence did not matter with Guiliani. What mattered was
fingering people who easily could be demonized in the press and
who could easily be rolled by the wheels of the "justice system."
Enlistment of the media was a key element of his strategy, as people
accused were so vilified that they never stood a chance, even though
they actually were not guilty of the charges made against them.
(In general, most pleaded guilty to charges not listed in the indictment
and that were crafted by lawyers to give the appearance of crimes
having been committed.)
Fast
forward to Ashcroft. In his recent prosecution of John "Taliban"
Lindh, Ashcroft began by charging the young former Californian turned
Islamic radical with charges that indicated the man was a major
threat to the well being of this nation, as though Lindh himself
had been the mastermind behind the September 11 attacks.
However,
in the end, Lindh pleaded guilty to "carrying a weapon" and a grenade,
which hardly would constitute a crime, since it happened in a nation
not under the jurisdiction of U.S. law. While it would have been
good had Lindh actually contested these charges in a trial, the
truth of modern jurisprudence is that one cannot receive a fair
trial today in the federal system. (The state systems have their
own problems, and there are a multitude of examples that show the
same problem exists there, but the problem is not as great, I believe.)
Prosecutors would have been hard-put to have been able to portray
Lindh as a terrorist in a courtroom setting, but most likely would
have charged him with a few crimes, saving others for future trials
in case a judge or jury actually had acquitted the young man.
Furthermore,
one wonders, given the demonization that Lindh had undergone in
the media when he was arrested, if he could have faced any jury
that was not ready to convict him as soon as they took their seats
in the jury box. In other words, actual guilt or innocence
did not matter to Ashcroft; what we were left with was the raw use
of power, something that the framers of the U.S. Constitution said
they were trying to prevent, but has now become the norm for government.
This,
I must say, is true postmodernism on steroids. Ashcroft’s announcement
that his minions had arrested someone who was about to be a "dirty
bomber," Jose Padilla, was the same concoction of lies that accompanied
the arrest of Lindh and others who are convenient targets for the
AG, be they "suspects" in the September 11 atrocities or Wall Street
executives who are convenient fodder for an administration that
does not wish to appear too "pro-business."
Ashcroft,
a former governor of Missouri and defeated U.S. Senator from that
state, is a veteran of political wars. He makes decisions calculated
upon their political effects, whether they be the announced opposition
to a judicial appointment allegedly "soft on crime," or his pursuit
of people who run afoul of the drug war. Anyone who sees modern
political advertisements, especially the "negative" ads, knows instinctively
that politics is hardly the pursuit of truth, especially when the
advertisements contain half-truths or outright falsehoods dressed
up to appear as being true. (Not having seen any of Ashcroft’s political
ads, I cannot comment on what he might have done, but my guess is
that his political advertisements were the garden-variety air pollution
that moves through the airwaves.)
Most
people are totally unaware of what occurs in the federal system
of "justice." Roberts has been a lonely voice, but most people still
cling to the myth that Congress passes real laws that are aimed
to satisfying universal norms of justice. They have no idea of the
absolute arbitrariness of modern federal law and its enforcement,
or the fact that Congress and its bureaucratic underlings have used
the law to criminalize behavior that under any standards of historical
justice has never been regarded as a crime.
Ashcroft
has chosen to be part of this postmodernist morass, as he once helped
write the legal abominations he now enforces. I do not hear him
calling for the end of prosecution of innocents, the end of the
abuse of the guilty plea, and an end to many of the tactics of federal
prosecutors, including the creation of "hybrid" law – the morphing
of civil law into unwritten but "enforced" criminal law, the suborning
of perjury, and other such things that have turned the courts and
law enforcement into a house of horrors. Instead, Ashcroft uses
these tools for the furtherance of his own career and the careers
of federal prosecutors.
Thus,
while claiming to be a believer in Truth, Ashcroft simply has been
using postmodern legal tactics and disguising them as tools to pursue
real justice. As Nixon once declared, "We are all Keynesians, now,"
Ashcroft and those who attend his weekly Bible study and regular
prayer meetings at the DOJ can proudly proclaim, "We are now postmodernists."
August
6, 2002
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute.
Copyright
© 2002 by LewRockwell.com
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Anderson Archives
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