The Ultimate Prosecutorial Weapon: Honest Services Fraud
by
William L. Anderson
by
William L. Anderson
Recently by William L. Anderson: The
Cause of His Life: Making Others Pay
As one who
has studied and written on federal criminal law for the past seven
years, I have concluded that the ultimate goal for federal prosecutors
is to be able to target anyone and charge him or her with a crime.
I hardly am exaggerating, as the following
article from Slate demonstrates:
At the federal
prosecutor's office in the Southern District of New York, the
staff, over beer and pretzels, used to play a darkly humorous
game. Junior and senior prosecutors would sit around, and someone
would name a random celebrity – say, Mother Theresa or John Lennon.
It would
then be up to the junior prosecutors to figure out a plausible
crime for which to indict him or her. The crimes were not usually
rape, murder, or other crimes you'd see on Law & Order
but rather the incredibly broad yet obscure crimes that populate
the U.S. Code like a kind of jurisprudential minefield: Crimes
like "false statements" (a felony, up to five years), "obstructing
the mails" (five years), or "false pretenses on the high seas"
(also five years). The trick and the skill lay in finding the
more obscure offenses that fit the character of the celebrity
and carried the toughest sentences. The result, however, was inevitable:
"prison time."
Today, they
have the weapons to do the preceding with ease, and the weapons
are so powerful that I can guarantee that everyone reading this
article is a felon. That’s right; you, too, are a criminal and if
a federal prosecutor targets you, then you are going to prison.
You might not
have robbed a bank or stolen anything, or engaged in any of the
10,000 "crimes" that federal prosecutors have in their
buffet line, but I can guarantee that you are "guilty"
of "honest services fraud." Have you ever taken a longer
lunch break than what you are supposed to do? Have you ever made
a personal phone call at work or done personal business on your
employer’s computer? Have you ever had a contract dispute with an
employer or a client? All of those things can be criminalized by
an enterprising federal prosecutor.
If you are
an attorney and have signed forms even though you have not read
every word in them (for example, the standard closing documents
for real estate), then you have committed "honest services
fraud." The list goes on and on, but most likely by now you
have the picture: you are guilty even if you never are placed in
the dock in federal criminal court.
As one person
intimately familiar with these kinds of prosecutions told me, "This
is better than RICO," and the RICO
statutes have proven to be one of the ultimate weapons used
by federal prosecutors. Just the threat of invoking RICO
can make even tough defendants turn into pliable putty ready to
plead out instead of going to trial. Just ask Michael
Vick.
Jeffrey Skilling
right now is serving more than 20 years in prison, as the former
Enron CEO was convicted of "honest services fraud." Former
Illinois Governor
Rod Blagojevich is under indictment for the "crime,"
and the feds currently are investigating the archdiocese under Catholic
Bishop Roger Mahony to see if they can secure indictments under
this statute. From former college basketball coaches to politicians,
"honest services fraud" has become the ultimate prosecutorial
weapon, and prosecutors are quick to declare their support for it.
According to the Wall
Street Journal:
…prosecutors
love it. Patricia Pileggi, a former prosecutor who has brought
honest-services fraud cases, says "since you don't have to prove
loss of money, the statute is easier for prosecutors to use" than
extortion or bribery statutes.
In fact, this
particular law, first passed by Congress as an amendment to a wire
and mail-fraud statute in 1988, allows federal prosecutor to do
what prosecutors always have dreamed of doing: circumvent Constitutional
protections against the accused by both creating what essentially
are bills of attainder and ex post facto law. Let me explain.
First, and
most important, the law itself is vague. According to the statute,
Congress has criminalized "a scheme or artifice to deprive another
of the intangible right of honest services," but how does one define
"honest services"? And who is deprived?
Those questions
are answered by prosecutors seeking indictments and convictions,
and it is they who decide what is "criminal" and what
is not. Although the question of guilt ultimately is supposed to
be left to a jury, the very presence of such broadly-interpreted
criminal laws with draconian penalties of 20 years or more in prison
will lead many innocent people to plead out to something
because the risk of going to trial is too great. Because federal
prosecutors see their job as being a "hammer" and they
see everyone else as a "nail," it is clear that the loose
and vague language in the statute involving an "intangible
right" to services of others is an open-ended invitation for
prosecutors to craft charges around whatever alleged act they wish
to criminalize, even if the act itself is legal. This is
the very essence of a bill of attainder.
Second, because
all-too-often an act is interpreted as being "criminal"
after the fact, in essence, prosecutors are able to go back
to an act that everyone believed to be legal and effectively apply
a criminal statute to it. This is the essence of ex post facto
law, which is unconstitutional. In a remarkable joint move by two
ideologically-opposing groups, the Heritage Foundation and the National
Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers wrote in a February
11, 2009, letter to Congress that this law creates "a charter
of authority for courts to decide, retroactively, what forms of
unfair or questionable conduct in commercial, public and even private
life should be deemed criminal."
There is another
huge problem with this law (if we can dignify it as such by even
calling it "law"): its vagueness and broad interpretation
permits federal prosecutors to engage in tyrannical selective prosecution.
When a law is so broad that nearly everyone who provides any services
has broken it, then prosecutors are able to target people who might
be politically unpopular.
For example,
despite the fact that Jeffrey Skilling did not break the law by
putting some of Enron’s assets in "special purpose entities,"
which were included in the company’s financial statements, nonetheless
prosecutors were able to convince jurors that his actions were criminally
fraudulent. Although Victoria
Sprouse was not charged with "honest services fraud"
when she recently was railroaded in federal court, nonetheless federal
prosecutor Matt Martens told the jury that because she had admitted
to not reading every word in every by-the-numbers legal document
she signed, she had committed "honest services fraud."
Now, if someone
like Martens wanted to launch prosecutions against professional
people for not reading documents they sign, why is he not bringing
criminal charges against members of Congress, who rarely read bills
that either they approve or vote down? For example, John Conyers,
D-Michigan, recently caused a stir when he
admitted that he did not read bills before him. So, here is
a lawmaker openly admitting that he does not read legislation, and
he hardly is alone. (Few, if any, members of Congress read the Patriot
Act or the Sarbanes-Oxley Act before approving them overwhelmingly.)
There is no
substantive difference between what Martens deemed as "fraud"
with Victoria Sprouse and what the nation’s elected representatives
do every day they are in session. In fact, one could argue that
at least Sprouse knew the substance of the documents before she
signed; many senators and representatives cannot tell their constituents
the content of the legislation before them. Yet, Sprouse is going
to prison and members of Congress do not have to worry about prosecution
(at least for violating that statute).
Journalist
Gary
S. Chafetz recently wrote about "honest services fraud,"
pointing out that even the language of the law itself is a fraud:
One of the
cardinal rules of a grade-school vocabulary test is this: the
word that the student must define cannot be used in its definition.
However, honest-services fraud – "a scheme or artifice to deprive
another of the intangible right of honest services" – is a term
that no one seems able to define without using "honest-services"
in its definition. Which a priori implies that because
it cannot be defined, it is unconstitutionally vague.
This horrible
law is 20 years old and only now is the U.S. Supreme Court even
beginning to look seriously at it. The court has agreed to hear
the appeal of recently-convicted media figure Conrad
Black who is in prison after a federal jury convicted him of
"honest services fraud." Unfortunately, I doubt the High
Court will do anything to upset federal prosecutors, who pretty
much own the federal "justice" (sic) system, lock, stock
and barrel.
The Merriam-Webster
Online Dictionary defines "tyranny" as "oppressive
power exerted by government." Indeed, I cannot think of a better
example of modern tyranny in the United States than the presence
of a law that literally makes everyone a criminal. In the old U.S.S.R.,
the average citizen committed
about three felonies a day, and American politicians condemned
the Soviets for being oppressive and dictatorial. It seems that
the U.S. Government has done the U.S.S.R. one better in that U.S.
citizens now are felons all of the time.
August
12, 2009
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute. He
also is a consultant with American Economic Services. Visit
his blog.
Copyright
© 2009 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in
part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
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