Narratives and Nonsense
by
William L. Anderson
by William L. Anderson
DIGG THIS
More than four
months have passed since North Carolina Attorney General Roy Cooper
unequivocally declared Reade Seligmann, Collin Finnerty, and David
Evans "innocent of all charges" in the infamous Duke Non-Rape,
Non-Kidnapping, and Non-Sexual Assault Case, yet the True Believers
in Durham, Duke University, and the mainstream news media continue
to spin the same story: "Something" happened. Now, the
"something" ranges from out-and-out rape to an unspecified
assault, but since "no one really knows what happened that
night," the three young men must be guilty of "whatever
happened."
Anyone who
knows something about logic and who has even a small understanding
of science also knows that the entire story was a lie. No one even
touched Crystal Mangum that night and the realities of time
and space make it impossible, given what all of the objective evidence
tells us, but that is not good enough for people who Claim to Be
More Intelligent Than The Rest Of Us, or who simply are not going
to let go of a Good Story.
Take Sally
Deutsch, Duke’s dean of the Social Sciences of Trinity College,
for example. Historian Ralph
Luker recalls talking to her at a recent conference:
She bristled
noticeably when I said that, after all, he’d (blogger and historian
K.C. Johnson) turned out to be correct about the lacrosse case.
"You mean about the charges being dropped?," she asked.
I started to say: "No. Read my lips: ‘There was no rape.'"
But the hairs were already standing up from the back of her neck
up over to her eyebrows and her eyes were flashing.
Deutsch had
signed the infamous "We’re Listening" advertisement of
April 6, 2006, along with 87 of her other colleagues. The series
of statements, which appeared in the Duke Chronicle, praised
the protesters who called for the white Duke lacrosse players to
be "castrated" and given "equal measures," and
thanked the protesters for "not waiting" to find out the
truth. After all, they already knew the truth, even if they
didn’t know it.
Furthermore,
in statements made by many Duke faculty members and others following
the very public exoneration, the True Believers have made it quite
clear that Cooper’s words mean nothing. By emphasizing that
since one cannot "prove" a negative, the three young men
are guilty until proven guilty. Literally, with much of the Duke
faculty, absolutely nothing has changed; in fact, the very dropping
of the charges, should one follow the thinking of Dean Deutsch,
is in itself a travesty of justice.
One asks how
we ever got to this point where facts don’t matter and, to further
the point, the insistence upon emphasizing the facts of the case
is in itself "proof" of guilt. The answer lies in the modern application
of academic Marxism, for while Marx and his Labor Theory of Value
have long been discredited among economists, the Marxian "narrative"
and the "polylogism" of which Ludwig von Mises writes
in Human Action have become the polestar of higher education.
One cannot understand what is happening in disciplines such as literature,
English, history, sociology, and the gaggle of "identity studies"
(such as African American Studies, Womens’ Studies, Queer Studies,
and the like) that are dominating much of the academic curriculum,
unless one understands the Marxist mindset, with its emphasis upon
"narratives" and power.
People who
are skeptical about this particular direction in which academe is
headed call it "political correctness," and that is not
far off the mark, even though those on the academic left who first
coined that term now are angry whenever someone throws it back at
them. Indeed, if politics is about the usurpation of raw power by
those in "authority," then "political correctness"
is an excellent term to describe what is happening, for modern academe
is geared at increasing the power of the state to impose a way of
life that all of what one might call "natural law" rejects.
The belief is that the political process can be marshaled in a manner
in which those in power can force people to do what they never would
do otherwise and even change the very face of nature itself.
While the hardcore
political correctness has come to full fruition (if that is possible)
in the past 15 years, the hard left has been dominant in higher
education for nearly four decades. For example, when I was at the
University of Tennessee in 1974, one of my religion classes was
force-fed out-and-out communist Chinese propaganda, which touted
the "economic miracle" that Mao supposedly had brought
to that country.
My religion
professor was not the only one who was enthusiastic about "Mao’s
Miracles." I recall reading a Sojourners interview with
Dorothy Day about 30 years ago in which she held communist China
as the shining example of God’s politics. China, she beamed enthusiastically,
had no real poverty and no "want." Everyone was happily
fed and clothed, and while the whole process might have been costly,
nonetheless it was worth it. (The editor of Sojourners, Jim
Wallis, was equally enthusiastic about Mao’s modern paradise.)
Let us contrast
this academic and religious enthusiasm with what really went on
during that period, if nothing else to demonstrate how people like
Day, Wallis, and my former "religion" professor willingly
and wholeheartedly embraced the Big Lie. Lew
Rockwell writes:
What is most
striking about these product criticisms is how historically insular
they appear in light of the modern history of China. This is a
subject that is deeply painful, horrifying in its detail, highly
instructive in helping us understand politics – and also puts
into perspective these reports of recent troubles in China. It's
a scandal, in fact, that few Westerners are even aware, or, if
they are aware, they are not conscious, of the bloody reality
that prevailed in China between the years 1949 and 1976, the years
of rule by Mao Zedong
How many
died as a result of persecutions and the communist policies of
Mao? Perhaps you care to guess? Many people over the years have
attempted to guess. But they have always underestimated. As more
data rolled in during the 1980s and 1990s, and specialists have
devoted themselves to investigations and estimates, the figures
have become ever more reliable. And yet they remain imprecise.
What kind of error term are we talking about? It could be as low
as 40 million. It could be as high as 100 million – or more. In
the Great Leap Forward from 1959 to 1961 alone, figures range
between 20 million to 75 million. In the period before, 20 million.
In the period after, tens of millions more.
As scholars
in the area of mass death point out, most of us can't imagine
100 dead or 1000. Above that, we are just talking about statistics:
they have no conceptual meaning for us. And there is only so much
ghastly information that our brains can absorb, only so much blood
we can imagine. And yet there is more to why China's communist
experiment remains a hidden fact: it makes a decisive case against
government power, one even more compelling than the cases of Russia
or Germany in the 20th century.
Let me go on,
using Mr. Rockwell’s words:
The communization
of China took place in the usual three stages: purge, plan, and
scapegoat. First there was the purge to bring about communism.
There were guerillas to kill and land to nationalize. The churches
had to be destroyed. The counterrevolutionaries had to be put
down. The violence began in the country and spread later to the
cities. All peasants were first divided into four classes that
were considered politically acceptable: poor, semi-poor, average,
and rich. Everyone else was considered a landowner and targeted
for elimination. If no landowners could be found, the "rich" were
often included in this group. The demonized class was ferreted
out in a country-wide series of "bitterness meetings" in which
people turned in their neighbors for owning property and being
politically disloyal. Those who were so deemed were immediately
executed along with those who sympathized with them.
The rule
was that there had to be at least one person killed per village.
The number killed is estimated to be between one and five million.
In addition, another four to six million landowners were slaughtered
for the crime of being capital owners. If anyone was suspected
of hiding wealth, he or she was tortured with hot irons to confess.
The families of the killed were then tortured and the graves of
their ancestors looted and pillaged. What happened to the land?
It was divided into tiny plots and distributed among the remaining
peasants.
Next, Mr. Rockwell
describes the "Great Leap Forward," which according to
people like Day, Wallis, and my "religion" professor,
resulted in the satiation of wants for the lucky people of Mao’s
China:
As the rivers
of blood rose ever higher, Mao brought about the Hundred Flowers
Campaign in two months of 1957, the legacy of which is the phrase
we often hear: "let a hundred flowers bloom." People were encouraged
to speak freely and give their point of view, an opportunity that
was very tempting for intellectuals. The liberalization was short
lived. In fact, it was a trick. All those who spoke out against
what was happening to China were rounded up and imprisoned, perhaps
between 400,000 and 700,000 people, including 10 percent of the
well-educated classes. Others were branded as right-wingers and
subjected to interrogation, reeducation, kicked out of their homes,
and shunned.
But this
was nothing compared with phase two, which was one of history’s
great central-planning catastrophes. Following the collectivization
of land, Mao decided to go further to dictate to the peasants
what they would grow, how they would grow it, and where they would
ship it, or whether they would grow anything at all as versus
plunge into industry. This would become the Great Leap Forward
that would generate history's most deadly famine. Peasants
were grouped into groups of thousands and forced to share all
things. All groups were to be economically self-sufficient. Production
goals were raised ever higher. (Emphasis mine)
Remember, this
was something that the intellectuals in the United States were praising
as the Answer To World Hunger, yet in reality, it violated all of
natural law. Of course, Mao even believed (as did western intellectuals)
that even the laws of botany could be superseded by the Glories
of Socialism:
Mao had this
idea that he knew how to grow grain. He proclaimed that "seeds
are happiest when growing together" and so seeds were sown at
five to ten times their usual density. Plants died, the soil dried
out, and the salt rose to the surface. To keep birds from eating
grain, sparrows were wiped out, which vastly increased the number
of parasites. Erosion and flooding became endemic. Tea plantations
were turned to rice fields, on grounds that tea was decadent and
capitalistic. Hydraulic equipment built to service the new collective
farms didn't work and lacked any replacement parts. This led Mao
to put new emphasis on localized industry, which was forced to
appear in the same areas as agriculture, leading to ever more
chaos. Workers were drafted from one sector to another, and mandatory
cuts in some sectors was balanced by mandatory high quotas in
another.
In 1957,
the disaster was everywhere. Workers were growing too weak even
to harvest their meager crops, so they died watching the rice
rot. Industry churned and churned but produced nothing of any
use. The government responded by telling people that fat and proteins
were unnecessary. But the famine couldn't be denied. The black-market
price of rice rose 20 to 30 times. Because trade had been forbidden
between collectives (self-sufficiency, you know), millions were
left to starve. By 1960, the death rate soared from 15 percent
to 68 percent, and the birth rate plummeted. Anyone caught hording
grain was shot. Peasants found with the smallest amount were imprisoned.
Fires were banned. Funerals were prohibited as wasteful.
Villagers
who tried to flee from the countryside to the city were shot at
the gates. Deaths from hunger reached 50 percent in some villages.
Survivors boiled grass and bark to make soup and wandered the
roads looking for food. Sometimes they banded together and raided
houses looking for ground maize. Women were unable to conceive
because of malnutrition. People in work camps were used for food
experiments that led to sickness and death.
By now, readers
are wondering why I am comparing the intellectuals and China to
the Duke Lacrosse Case. After all, one involved the starvation and
murder of millions of innocent people, and the other was a false
rape charge in which those accused did not spend a day in prison.
My point, however,
is not to compare the enormity of Mao’s crimes with what Nifong
and his supporters did. Instead, my larger point is that these two
things flow from the same mindset: the "narrative" is
everything. In the case of China, the "narrative" was
that socialism protects and feeds "the poor," so anything
done in the name of socialism is good, and if there are problems,
they must be due either to the remnants of Trotsky’s supporters
or to capitalist propaganda, since socialism by definition
cannot oppress the poor.
That socialism
goes against human nature and natural law itself is irrelevant;
the "narrative" is what matters, not outcomes. Likewise,
in the Duke case, it was the "narrative" that drove the
stories, not the facts, especially since it is linear-thinking,
White Oppressive Eurocentric Males that drive logic and "natural
law."
Thus, as Newsweek’s
Evan Thomas told American
Journalism Review’s Rachael Smolkin, "The narrative
was correct, but the facts were wrong." Daniel Okrent, the
former public editor for the New York Times, which had some
of the worst coverage in this case, does Thomas one better:
"It was too
delicious a story. It conformed too well to too many preconceived
notions of too many in the press: white over black, rich over
poor, athletes over non-athletes, men over women, educated over
non-educated. Wow. That's a package of sins that really fit the
preconceptions of a lot of us."
Indeed, the
press and their academic allies wanted us to believe that the very
facts of nature could be overlooked in pursuit of this "delicious"
story. We were told to believe that three large, young athletes
could squeeze into a tiny bathroom space (one former realtor in
Durham said that as soon as he knew the address of the house where
the rape was supposed to have taken place, he realized the bathroom
was too small for it to have occurred as now-former prosecutor Michael
Nifong and the Durham police said it did).
We were told
to believe that three strong, young men could beat and rape a woman
for 30 minutes and there be absolutely no bruises or marks on her
and that although none of the men wore condoms and supposedly ejaculated,
not even one cell of DNA of any Duke lacrosse player left
anywhere on her body. As one feminist nurse who was insisting that
there really was a rape told Nifong, since rape is a crime of "power,"
the players magically were able to keep their DNA from transferring.
We were told
to believe that Reade Seligmann could be in two places at one time,
and when police arrested on trumped-up charges the African immigrant
cab driver who had been transporting Seligmann at the exact time
Reade was supposed to be raping Mangum, there was no outcry in the
press, at Duke, or anywhere else. The cab driver, Moez Elmostafa,
was an impediment to this righteous prosecution, so if he had to
be destroyed, well, "In order to make an omelet, one must break
eggs," to take a favorite saying from socialists and American
intellectuals.
Lest anyone
think that I am taking the "narrative" business too far,
take the recent paper in the Southern Illinois University Law
Journal by Susan Kosse, an associate professor of law at the
University of Louisville Brandeis Law School. Entitled "Race,
Riches, and Reporters: Do Race and Class Impact Media Rape Narratives?
An Analysis of the Duke Lacrosse Case," the article goes on
to excoriate the media for apparently not believing that the three
young men raped Crystal Mangum.
As one who
read hundreds of articles and Internet postings, disbelief of Crystal
Mangum was not the central problem of the media, and especially
the mainstream media. In fact, journalists across the country were
anxious to believe Mangum and Nifong and willfully discounted all
of the exculpatory evidence in the pursuit of the "delicious"
story. As blogger K.C.
Johnson writes about Kosse’s article:
…Kosse concludes
that the Duke case could signal an alarming "trend"
in which "the media favors the rich, white defendants."
This development could impact "true victims coming forward
to tell their stories." Her evidence? In the articles that
she reviewed, a "20% difference" existed "between
the sympathy statements for the victim [sic, Mangum] and the offenders
[sic, the lacrosse players] in the Duke coverage," which
"actually shows an increase in pro-offender [sic] statements
from the ten earlier cases [from 1980 through 1986]." Kosse
never explains how favorably describing the personal characteristics
of the lacrosse players should be classified as "pro-offender"
given that Seligmann, Finnerty, and Dave Evans were innocent.
Johnson goes
on to point out just how ridiculous Kosse’s "narrative"
viewpoint really was:
According
to Kosse, the Duke case showed that "the media must be careful
not to unwittingly advance only one side’s story." Was she
talking about the fawning coverage granted to Mike Nifong’s ethically
improper pre-primary publicity crusade? No. Instead, she was describing
defense attorneys, who "talked freely and often provided
the media with uncontested statements questioning the credibility
of the woman. The media seemed eager to report anything the defense
had to say."
Meanwhile,
"the victim [sic] has only spoken to reporters once and been
out of the public's eye for months. The absence of her viewpoint
contrasted starkly with the defense ‘spin’ after the indictments."
Kosse never
defines what specific remarks constituted "defense ‘spin’."
The defense attorneys did say – repeatedly – that their clients
were innocent, that there was no evidence of rape, and that Mangum
was not credible. As the Attorney General’s investigation revealed,
all of those statements were true. Can the truth be considered
"defense ‘spin’"?
When there
is a "narrative" to protect, however, truth is whatever
the intellectuals want it to be. No doubt, there were plenty of
people in this country fawning over Mao when he was declaring that
seeds are "happiest when growing together," and figured
that Trotsky’s descendants or capitalist running dogs must have
sabotaged the crops. After all, Mao was operating according to the
"correct narrative," so he must have been right.
It never occurs
to the intellectuals that the "narratives" generally are
nonsense, and dangerous nonsense at that. My religion professor,
who always was preaching "social justice" in class, was
perfectly happy to see the lives of millions of people snuffed out
in order to create a "politically correct" world.
Furthermore,
it is abundantly clear that the "intellectuals" at Duke
have learned nothing. In fact, they regard the very innocence of
the lacrosse players as being oppressive to them. How dare
these racists and rapists be innocent! That violates the narrative!
The narrative cannot be wrong! And so it goes. And goes. And
goes.
August
22, 2007
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute. He also is a consultant
with American Economic Services.
Copyright
© 2007 LewRockwell.com
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