Separation of Powers
by
William L. Anderson
by William L. Anderson
"Message
to Teddy Kennedy: Look in the Mirror"
In his various
letters to new Christian churches, St. Paul decried the fact that
many people preaching about Christ either were wrong or had bad
motives. However, he added that he also rejoiced because at least
the name of Christ was being preached.
I think I had
one of those moments the other day when reading about Ted Kennedy’s
questioning of Samuel Alito during the latter’s confirmation hearings
in front of the Senate Judiciary Committee. As Anthony
Gregory has noted, Kennedy raised a number of important issues
regarding the Separation of Powers doctrine and, specifically, the
powers granted to the executive branch. Unfortunately, this line
of questioning was lost amid Kennedy’s insistence on attacking Alito
for membership many years ago in Concerned Alumni of Princeton.
Whether Kennedy’s
legal reasoning was simply another example of the boundless hypocrisy
and shamelessness that dominates the Beltway culture is for others
to decide. I have no respect for Kennedy and his ilk, but I do think
he was right. Unfortunately, he has to look no farther than his
own mirror to discover why the process of transference of power
from Congress to the presidency continues.
As Harvey
Silverglate has so eloquently explained, the importance of the
issue of separation of powers exceeds anything else that might have
occurred in those hearings, and I am sorry that such a loathsome,
hypocritical blowhard as Kennedy was the one bringing up, which
means that other thoughtful people will not take his questions seriously.
Beyond that, most people do not even understand the issue itself,
and what has happened to this vital doctrine in the past century.
Thus, I will present a small primer on how separation of powers
became lost in the gravitation of power toward the executive branch.
Most likely,
no President of the United States has been perfect in how he carried
out his duties, at least when it comes to violating the Constitution.
Thomas Jefferson unilaterally purchased the Louisiana Territory
from France (which helped Napoleon finance his European wars), and
Andrew Jackson illegally began the process of evicting the Cherokee
Indians from their homelands.
However, no
president in the 19th Century did more to eviscerate
the Constitution than did Abraham Lincoln, something that has been
well documented on these pages and needs no further explanation
from me. Lincoln not only grabbed judicial power through his summary
arrests and imprisonments, but also took it upon himself to steal
Congress’ power to declare war by pursuing an undeclared war. That
alone should have warranted impeachment.
Following Lincoln’s
war, however, the "super president" seemed to go into
hiding, and most of the occupants of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue –
and especially Grover Cleveland – tended to be models of executive
restraint. The balance between the executive, judicial, and legislative
branches more or less righted itself, or at least performed somewhat
as the framers of the Constitution had intended.
The Progressive
Era doctrines changed all of that balance. Beginning with the
presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, power gravitated toward the
White House. Progressives believed that legislative branches were
wasteful and tended not to permit the kind of centralized power
grabbing which Progressivist causes required. The best way for that
to occur, they reasoned, was for the legislative branch to cede
at least some of its constitutional powers to the executive wing.
What TR began,
Woodrow Wilson continued, and he became the most dictatorial president
since Lincoln. (Of course, statist historians also include Lincoln,
TR, Wilson, and TR’s cousin, Franklin, as the country’s "greatest"
presidents. The worship of illegal power apparently is deadly and
corrupting.) Wilson pushed the country into World War I, and the
executive branch was able to grab powers that even Lincoln was not
able to seize. The entire U.S. economy was effectively nationalized,
with government running the railroads and many other formerly private
operations.
After Wilson,
the country went back to a weaker president – which reflected the
self-restraint of Warren G. Harding and Calvin Coolidge – but that
changed with the progressivist Herbert Hoover’s election in 1928.
As has been well documented, Hoover managed to push the country
into the Great Depression through his many interventions, setting
the stage for Franklin Roosevelt’s term in office. It was during
FDR’s reign that the process of ceding power from the legislative
to the executive branch reached warp speed. (How this was done and
the effects it had are well-documented by Paul Craig Roberts and
Lawrence Stratton in The
Tyranny of Good Intentions.)
Every Democratic
member of Congress claims to be a "progressive." Every
Democratic member of Congress proclaims worshipful allegiance to
FDR. Yet, the real legacy of FDR was the demise of meaningful legislative
power of Congress. Before FDR, legislation tended to be tightly
written, and members of Congress were aware of the particulars in
a bill. However, beginning with Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency,
Congress quickly wrote laws at the behest of the administration,
with people rarely knowing the full content of those laws. Furthermore,
these new laws gave the executive branch vast leeway in how to interpret
these laws, which stole power both from the courts and from Congress.
The process
continues today. The reviled Patriot Act was nothing more than a
wish list compiled by lawyers from the U.S. Department of Justice
who were tired of the Constitution getting in their way of investigating
people and charging them with crimes. In fact, many of the most
onerous provisions of the act were leftover requests from Janet
Reno’s justice department, including the expansion of money laundering
definitions. Keeping in the tradition of Congress during FDR’s New
Deal, most members had not read the Patriot Act or much of the other
post-9/11 and post-Enron legislation before voting "yes."
The upshot
has been an expansive criminal code in which federal prosecutors
increasingly have become judges, juries, and executioners. Yet,
I have never heard Ted Kennedy decry the vast powers of federal
prosecutors. And, to highlight just how much Kennedy has bowed to
the bureaucracy, he did almost nothing to fight his being placed
constantly on the "no-fly lists" that kept him stuck at
airports on more than one occasion. If Kennedy really did care about
separation of powers, he would have been sponsoring legislation
to rid this country of the corrupt and inept Transportation Security
Administration. (Instead, we saw the ridiculous spectacle of Democrats
during the 2004 elections taking credit for the creation of the
TSA.)
Furthermore,
when he ran for the Democratic nomination for president in 1980,
he did not run on a separation of powers doctrine, but rather called
for a centralized economic dictatorship of price controls, tax increases,
and other property seizures in what one could only call a domestic
warfare state. Nor has his devotion to the New Deal waned in his
later years; he specifically declared that his opposition to the
nomination of Janice Rogers Brown to the U.S. Court of Appeals was
based upon her criticisms of the New Deal. One cannot both glorify
the New Deal and then call for a balance of powers between the three
branches of the federal government.
So, whenever
you hear Kennedy invoking the name of FDR, Woodrow Wilson, and other
Democratic presidents of the past century, he is giving homage to
the men who were responsible for the destruction of the doctrine
that he claims to cherish. This does not take away from the truth
of the words he spoke in that brief, shining, and sane moment, but
his actions do nothing but discredit him.
Yet,
those of us who would like to see a restoration of the balance of
power within the U.S. Government owe Ted our thanks. He might not
be the right person to carry that torch, but at least he put the
match to it.
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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