What Goes Around, Comes Around
by
William L. Anderson
and Candice E. Jackson
by William L. Anderson and Candice
Jackson
For
decades, both of America’s major political parties have turned a
blind eye to insidious deterioration of constitutional protections
of individual rights. In fact, both political parties have enthusiastically
embraced the whittling away of such protections in order to score
cheap and easy political points. Politicians’ willingness to erode
constitutional protections has resulted in a federal criminal justice
system that endangers the personal freedom of each of us by permitting
politically motivated prosecutions of any of us.
The
last two presidential administrations have been persecuted and prosecuted
by federal criminal codes that turn the Constitution on its head
and result in literal loss of liberty by subjecting people to actual
or threatened criminal proceedings and jail time. Republicans up
in arms about the recent indictment of Cheney aide I. Lewis Libby,
Jr., (and the possible indictment of Karl Rove) would have stronger
legs to stand on if they hadn’t participated so eagerly in the criminal
investigation, impeachment, and Senate trial of Bill Clinton. Both
administrations have found themselves assailed by political opponents
eager to stamp them with the label used to express ultimate societal
contempt: criminal. What gets lost in the morass of modern
federal criminal codes is the precise meaning of "criminal"
conduct.
Bill
Clinton was impeached and tried on charges of perjury and obstruction
of justice. George W. Bush’s administration is being indicted on
charges of perjury, obstruction of justice, and making false statements.
But what suspicions led to these charges? In the Clinton case, the
initial suspected wrongdoing concerned an affair with a White House
intern and a sexual harassment lawsuit by Paula Jones. In the Bush
Administration it is suspicion that White House aides leaked the
name of a CIA agent to the press (i.e., possible violation of the
Intelligence Identities Protection Act of 1982 and other federal
laws prohibiting disclosure of classified national security information).
But the ultimate charges brought against Clinton had nothing to
do with an affair or sexual harassment. The ultimate charges brought
against Cheney aide Libby have nothing to do with disclosure of
the CIA agent’s identity. The only charges that stick are lying
and not cooperating during investigation of the original suspected
wrongdoing.
The
"crimes" of perjury, making false statements, and obstruction
of justice are just a few of the numerous offenses that provide
federal prosecutors with easy ways to pursue a political agenda
– and ruin lives and reputations along the way – without ever having
to prove substantive wrongdoing by the targets of their vendettas.
A person under investigation for some substantive crime, such as
theft or bribery, faces a complex quagmire of pitfalls as he tries
to defend himself. One such trap is that prosecutors have at their
disposal a host of ancillary crimes with which to charge a suspect,
and these ancillary crimes usually have nothing to do with the topic
of the original investigation. These ancillary crimes, such as perjury,
making false statements, and obstruction of justice, often end up
being the only crimes charged against the target of a federal
investigation, and these offenses were committed during the
course of the investigation itself.
As
the Office of Independent Counsel (OIC) and the House of Representatives
investigated Bill Clinton’s despicable mistreatment of Paula Jones
and his reprehensible affair with Monica Lewinsky, they found no
criminal charges to levy against Clinton for this behavior. Although
the OIC never criminally indicted Clinton, the House of Representatives
successfully charged Clinton with the ancillary offenses of perjury
and obstruction of justice. As Special Counsel Fitzgerald now investigates
the Bush Administration for leaks to the press, he has been unable
to charge any Administration officials or aides with crimes based
on alleged leaks. Fitzgerald has, however, succeeded in indicting
Libby for the ancillary crimes of perjury, obstruction of justice,
and making false statements to FBI agents.
The
danger in a system that works this way is that federal investigators
can use these ancillary crimes to create crime where none existed,
and to imply that a target has committed some underlying substantive
crime without having to prove it. Thus, the indictment against Libby
proclaims that "Libby was obligated . . . not to disclose classified
information" yet goes on to charge Libby not with violating
laws prohibiting disclosure of classified information but with lying
during the investigation.
The
idea behind laws criminalizing perjury, obstruction of justice,
and making false statements to federal investigators, is to ensure
the integrity of our legal system by giving targets and witnesses
incentives to be truthful. However, when prosecutors use broad,
vague laws to entrap people into becoming criminals solely on the
basis of their words and actions during an investigation,
deeply-rooted constitutional rights are eroded. The Fifth Amendment
protects a criminal defendant from being forced to testify against
himself. The rationale behind this constitutional right is that
if the government prosecutors are permitted to require a person
to testify against himself, he faces a Cruel Trilemma – the choice
between telling the truth under oath and implicating himself, lying
under oath and committing perjury, or refusing to testify and being
held in contempt of court. Thanks to ancillary crimes like obstruction
of justice and making false statements, if you find yourself embroiled
(as a witness or a target) in a federal criminal investigation,
you now face a new version of the Cruel Trilemma. If you cooperate
with federal investigators, everything you say will be used against
you to indict and prosecute you. If you refuse to cooperate, you
risk indictment and prosecution for ancillary crimes like obstruction
of justice. If you speak at all to federal investigators, your words
can be twisted into ancillary crimes of perjury or making false
statements. It’s a no-win situation against which our Constitution
was intended to protect us.
Bill
Clinton and George W. Bush legitimately can complain about politicized
criminal investigations against them only if they take responsibility
for helping to create the very system that victimized them. The
Clinton and Bush administrations each allowed and encouraged the
apparatus of federal criminal law to be used to target individuals
and institutions whose branding with the criminal label would result
in political gains. Under the Clinton Administration, federal prosecutors
charged former Reagan cabinet member James G. Watt with perjury,
obstruction of justice, and making false statements for his alleged
involvement with the Housing and Urban Development scandal of the
1980s. A sympathetic federal judge let Watt plead guilty to a misdemeanor
(misleading a grand jury) and endure five years of probation rather
than jail time. Under the Bush Administration, indictments have
been handed out like candy by federal prosecutors eager to get political
credit for cracking down on white-collar crime. Perhaps the most
egregious abuse of prosecutorial discretion under the Bush Administration
was the Martha Stewart prosecution, where initial suspicions of
insider trading were never proved but Stewart’s statements during
the investigation led to her conviction and jail time for obstruction
of justice and making false statements.
When
Democrats find "their guys" targeted by political prosecutions
founded solely on ancillary crimes, as during the Clinton impeachment,
they cry foul. Republicans are reacting similarly to the ancillary
crimes charged against Libby. Both sides have reason for frustration,
but neither side seems to recognize that these political prosecutions
are inevitable in a system that stacks the deck in favor of indictment
and prosecution at the expense of protection of constitutional rights.
Calls for reform of the regulations governing the power of special
prosecutors are band-aid solutions that will only perpetuate a dangerous
cycle that leaves each of us vulnerable to political targeting.
That cycle can only be broken if Republicans and Democrats become
willing to forego the tempting power of ancillary criminal charges
as a weapon and restore constitutional protections to those accused
of criminal wrongdoing. Until both parties take constitutional rights
seriously, what goes around will come around, and all of us will
remain at risk of politicized prosecutions.
October 31, 2005
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute. Candice
E. Jackson [send her mail]
is an attorney and graduate of Pepperdine Law School.
Copyright
© 2005 LewRockwell.com
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