Servants of the Empire

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Previously
by Charles A. Burris: Confessions
of a Cultural Reactionary

 

 
 

"It
seems fitting that in a country where people aspire to two of everything
– cars, kids, and homes – we should have two histories
as well. And so we do: a public chronicle, or "Disney version,"
so widely available as to be unavoidable . . . and a second one
that remains secret, buried, and unnamed."

~ author Jim
Hougan, Spooks:
The Haunting of America – The Private Use of Secret Agents
.

As LRC readers
are well aware, I have a particular interest in this second area
of "history" of which Hougan speaks, and have written
about it quite extensively over the years.

Below is a
fascinating chapter out of that hidden
history
with which most of you will not be familiar. I have
been following this story of the "secret team" or shadow
government, and CIA drug running and money laundering for over two
decades. This account is a great summary for those new to these
nefarious affairs.

One particular
note regarding a person at the heart of the "secret team"
discussed in the account below concerns Richard Armitage (Bilderberg
group, Trilateral Commission, Council on Foreign Relations) –
the number two man in the George W. Bush State Department under
Colin Powell, who referred to him as "my white son."

For twenty
five years Richard
Armitage
has been my "Professor Moriarty," that elusive
nemesis at the center of government perfidy from one scandal to
another – from CIA-sponsored opium trafficking in the Golden
Triangle and Afghanistan to the outing of CIA agent Valerie Plame.

Compare and
contrast Armitage with his remarkable counterpart in the Obama administration:
Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, the late Richard
Holbrooke
(Bilderberg group, Trilateral Commission, Council
on Foreign Relations, former managing director of Lehman Brothers,
and board director of AIG to July 2008 just before the bailouts).

Both began
their dedicated service to the Empire in Vietnam, soiling their
hands with fresh blood and fecal material. Armitage
began in covert CIA operations (the murderous Operation Phoenix);
Holbrooke with the CIA under cover of the AID in rural pacification
of the Vietnamese. Over the course of their stellar careers serving
various presidential regimes, each gained their reputation as die-hard
negotiators, ubiquitous problem solvers and fixers. When their specific
party was out of power, Armitage and Holbrooke exploited their inside
connections to the power elite and operated lucrative consulting
firms – Armitage Associates and Public Strategies. (Holbrooke’s
partner, James A. Johnson, was CEO of Fannie Mae, later managing
director of Lehman Brothers, and presently board member of Goldman
Sachs). Both of these driven, egomaniacal individuals understood
power, its cold essence and often illusive nature, and how to tenaciously
grasp hold of it. And now the story below:

THE OCTOPUS

by DAVID HOFFMAN

(This chapter
was omitted from the printed edition of Oklahoma
City Bombing and the Politics of Terror
by David Hoffman)

"This
underground empire is controlled by a handful of people for money
– that’s the only secret of the temple."

~ Investigative
reporter Danny Casolaro, prior to his murder by the Octopus

The nomenclature
of the Lockerbie and World Trade Center bombings provide a unique
and unparalleled insight into the dynamics of the Oklahoma City
bombing.

Each event
gives the reader a glimpse of how the Shadow Government operates,
utilizing drug dealers, criminals, and terrorists to do its bidding.

All three bombings
were sting operations that utilized, and were utilized by, terrorists
bent on causing destruction.

But the question
still remained: who was controlling the terrorists? To understand
that, one must peer through the doorway of time stretching from
WWII to the present.

To prepare
for the invasion of Sicily during WWII, the OSS (which later became
the CIA) collaborated with the Corsican Mafia.

The arrangement
permitted the Mafia use the port of Marseilles for heroin smuggling
in exchange for its assistance in defeating the Nazis.[1117]

After WWII,
the heroin operation moved to Vietnam and Laos, then to Afghanistan
and Pakistan, as the CIA embroiled itself in a covert war against
the Soviets. Assistant Secretary of Defense for National Security
Affairs Richard Armitage sat on the "208 Committee," which
oversaw military aid to the Mujahadeen.

Fazoe Haq,
the governor of the Northwest Frontier Province (the largest heroin
growing province in Afghanistan), who was originally worth $100,000,
was suddenly was worth $200 million after the war. Armitage was
his main contact.[1118]

Vince Cannistraro
(Mr. "Libya done it") also sat on the 208 Committee, representing
National Security Advisor Robert "Bud" McFarlane, Oliver
North’s supervisor.[1119]

Shortly after
the start of the Afghani operation, the CIA began arming the Contras
in Nicaragua. Cannistraro himself [along with Duane "Dewy"
Clarridge, then Chief of the CIA’s Latin American Division] headed
Casey’s original operation to arm the Contras, based on Reagan’s
March, 1981 decision.

As former Green
Beret Andrew Eiva said, "Cannistraro was up to his ears by
1985." This is significant, considering the Boland Amendment,
prohibiting aid to the Contras, was passed in 1984.[1120]

Some of these
are the same players who moved into other Central American countries,
setting up security services (death squads) for U.S.-backed dictators,
and profiting handsomely from the cocaine trade.

If anyone thinks
these are outrageous allegations, consider the statements of Mike
Levine, one of the DEA’s most highly decorated veterans: "For
decades, the CIA, the Pentagon, and secret organizations like Oliver
North’s Enterprise have been supporting and protecting the world’s
biggest drug dealers," including the Mujahadeen in Afghanistan,
the Contras in Central America, the DFS in Mexico, the Shan United
Army in the Golden Triangle of Southeast Asia, and "any of
a score of other groups and/or individuals like Manuel Noriega.
Support of these people has been secretly deemed more important
than getting drugs off our streets."[1121]

Or consider
the words of Lt. Col. Bo Gritz, former commander of the Special
Forces in Latin America and the most decorated soldier in Vietnam.

Gritz made
a trip to the Golden Triangle in 1983 to search for American POWs,
a mission that was ultimately stonewalled. Gritz believes the POWs
are being used as drug mules, and the government doesn’t want them
returned alive, for fear they would expose the Octopus.

As Gritz said:
"[They] would not want the American POWs to come home. Because
when they do, there will be an investigation as to why they were
abandoned. At that time we will uncover this secret organization
and its illicit drug money and financing. The Secret Team would
then be exposed."[1122]

As Gritz later
wrote in Called
to Serve
:

If Richard
Armitage was, as Khun Sa avowed, a major participant in parallel
government drug trafficking, then it explained why our efforts
to rescue POWs had been inexplicably foiled, time after time…

If it was true,
Richard Armitage would be the last man in the world who would desire
to see prisoners of war come home alive.[1123]

As "Special
Consultant to the Pentagon on the MIAs," in Bangkok in 1975,
Armitage reportedly spent more time repatriating opium profits then
recovering POWs. In 1976, when Khun Sa was still selling heroin
to CIA officials, the head of the CIA was none other than George
Bush.[1124]

Former presidential
candidate H. Ross Perot, who was appointed presidential investigator
for POW/MIA affairs, came upon the same information, and was warned
by former Defense Secretary Frank Carlucci to stop pursuing the
connections to Armitage.

As he sadly
explained to a group of POW/MIA families in 1987: "I have been
instructed to cease and desist."[1125]

Ironically,
between 1987 and 1991, Vice-President Bush served as head of the
South Florida Drug Task Force, and later as chair of the National
Narcotics Interdiction System, both set up to "stem" the
flow of drugs into the U.S. While Bush was drug czar, the volume
of cocaine smuggled into the U.S. tripled.[1126]

Celerino "Cele"
Castillo, the DEA’s head agent in El Salvador and Guatemala from
1985 to 1991, told reporters and Senate investigators of numerous
known drug traffickers who used hangers controlled by Oliver North
and the CIA in El Salvador’s Ilopango military airbase. When Castillo
naively tried to warn Bush at a U.S. embassy party in Guatemala,
Bush "just shook my hand, smiled and walked away…"[1127]

"By
the end of 1988," added Castillo, "I realized how hopelessly
tangled the DEA, the CIA, and every other U.S. entity in Central
America had become with the criminals. The connections boggled
my mind."[1128]

"The
CIA – they’re making deals with the Devil," adds Mike
Levine. "Unfortunately, the Devil is smarter than they are."[1129]

Some of those
devils, like Monzer al-Kassar – "business partner"
of Richard Secord and Oliver North – would be utilized to do
the Octopus’s dirty work.

Another name
Khun Sa mentioned repeatedly was Ted Shackley.[1130] A long-time
CIA player, Theodore G. Shackley (known as "The Blond Ghost")
began his Agency career as CIA Station Chief in Miami, where he
directed the CIA’s JM/WAVE Operation, a post-Bay of Pigs attempt
to assassinate Fidel Castro and wreck havoc within that sovereign
nation. Utilizing Cuban expatriates, the CIA conducted hundreds
of sabotage raids against Cuba in direct violation of the U.S. Neutrality
Act. Shackley also worked in close partnership with Mob figures
John Roselli, Sam Giancana, and Santos Trafficante.[1131]

While the operation
was shut down in 1965, due mainly to revelations of organized crime
connections and drug smuggling, many of the participants remained
in Miami, continuing their illegal activities.

Later, as Station
Chief of Laos, Shackley directed Major General Richard Secord’s
air wing in tactical raids against the Communist Pathet Lao, who
happened to be General Vang Pao’s main competition in the opium
trade.

By keeping
the Pathet Lao busy with the help of the CIA and the American military,
Pao’s Hmong tribesmen were able to become the region’s largest heroin
producers.[1132]

Of course,
Shackley, his deputy Tom Clines (who supervised the air base in
Long Tieng), and their colleagues in CIA front companies like Air
America were only too happy to help, smuggling heroin to the U.S.
in the gutted bodies of dead GIs (with the assistance of their old
Mob buddy Santos Trafficante, who had helped form their ZR/RIFLE
assassination team, and Vietnamese Air Force General Nguyen Cao
Ky), and laundering the profits in the Nugan-Hand bank. As a 1983
Wall Street Journal article stated:

Investigations
following Mr. Nugan’s death and the failure of the bank revealed
widespread dealings by Nugan-Hand with international heroin syndicates,
and evidence of massive fraud against U.S. and foreign citizens.
Many retired high-ranking Pentagon and CIA officials were executives
of or consultants to Nugan-Hand.[1133][1134]*

Shackley, along
with Nugan-Hand’s attorney – former CIA Director William Colby
– directed the infamous "Phoenix Program," a largely
successful attempt to "neutralize" by torture and murder
approximately 40,000 Vietnamese civilians suspected of being Viet
Cong sympathizers. One Phoenix operative, testifying before Congress,
stated that Phoenix was "a sterile, depersonalized murder program…
it was completely indiscriminate." The assassinations would
continue in Nicaragua under the code-name "Operation Pegasus."[1135][1136]

After becoming
the head of the CIA’s Western Hemisphere operations (Latin American
Division) in 1972, Shackley supervised the overthrow of the Chilean
government ("Operation Track II") by murdering democratically
elected President Salvador Allende.

With the backing
of the CIA under Shackley, the military led a violent coup by Right-wing
General Augusto Pinochet, which resulted in the abolishment of the
Constitution, the closing of all newspapers save for two Right-wing
dailies, the outlawing of trade unions, the suppression of all political
parties, and the arrest, torture, and execution of thousands.[1137]

After a brief
stint as Director of the Far East Division, Shackley directed CIA
agent Edwin Wilson in training the Shah of Iran’s notorious secret
police, the Savak, who routinely tortured and murdered the Shah’s
opponents. Later Shackley would assist more directly in these efforts.[1138]

In 1975, Shackley
became Associate Director in the Directorate of Operations, which
put him in charge of Covert-Operations, Counter-Intelligence, and
ironically, Counter-Narcotics, all under the command of George Herbert
Walker Bush.

These associations
naturally led to Shackley playing a role in the formation of the
"Secret Team," (to coin a phrase invented by Col. L. Fletcher
Prouty) the covert and illegal enterprise that was the driving force
behind the Iran-Contra operation.

Donald Gregg,
one of Shackley’s subordinates during his Saigon tenure, would later
become Assistant National Security Advisor during Iran-Contra, reporting
directly to Vice-President Bush.

It was against
this backdrop that Shackley served as a "consultant" to
players such as Bush, Secord, North, and Casey in their illegal
and bloody guns-for-drugs network that resulted in tens of thousands
of deaths and the flooding of our streets with tons of drugs.

As Wall Street
Journal reporter Jonathan Kwitny writes about Ted Shackley in his
book, The Crimes of Patriots:

Looking at
the list of disasters Shackley has presided over during his career,
one might even conclude that on the day the CIA hired Shackley it
might have done better hiring a KGB agent; a Soviet mole probably
could not have done as much damage to the national security of the
United States with all his wile as Shackley did with the most patriotic
of intentions.

Between Shackely’s
Cuban and Indochinese campaigns, more dope dealers were probably
put onto the payroll of the United States Government, and protected
and encouraged in their activities, than if the government had simply
gone out and hired the Mafia – which, in the case of the Cuban
campaign, it did.

CIA Director
Admiral Stansfield Turner forced Shackley to resign from the Agency
in 1979, due to his "unauthorized" dealings with rogue
agent Edwin Wilson, who was selling plastic explosives to Libya
(with Shackley’s approval).

Had he not
left, Shackley would likely have become head of the Agency.[1139]

George Bush,
who headed the Agency in 1976, strongly desired to continue in that
post. He was not reappointed when Jimmy Carter took office.[1140]*

Moreover, Turner,
who had little faith in HUMNIT (Human Intelligence) sources, decided
to reshape the CIA along more advanced technological lines. As a
result of Turner’s infamous "Halloween Massacre," the
CIA cut its field agents from several thousand to just over 300.

As President
Jimmy Carter would later state, "We were aware that some of
the unqualified and incompetent personnel whom he discharged were
deeply resentful."[1141]

The old hands
of the Agency, who formerly had at their disposal almost unlimited
"Black Budget" funds for covert operations, were suddenly
forced into retirement, or forced into lockstep with Turner’s new
guidelines.

Although CIA
Director William Casey hired 2,000 new covert operators in 1980,
many CIA critics felt Turner’s actions had already caused the secret
cells of the good-old-boy networks to bury themselves – and
their illegal activities – even deeper.

It is this
element, birthed in the hysteria of the Cold War, legitimized by
the paranoia of the National Security state, and nurtured by the
politics of greed, that has buried itself in the core of American
politics.

As long-time
Army Criminal Investigator Gene Wheaton defines it: "An elite,
very clandestine, very covert group within the intelligence community….
The CIA and DIA is just the lightening rod for the people who really
control things."

Those who could
accept the idea of government foreknowledge of the Oklahoma City
bombing would be hard-pressed to accept the notion that certain
factions within the government might have orchestrated the bombing
itself.

Those who have
a difficult time accepting this are stymied by what they perceive
as "government."

As Wheaton
explains, "The government is just a bunch of monuments, office
buildings, computers, and desks. They don’t see the crazies in the
government – the little conspiratorial cliques within the government."[1142]

These little
conspiratorial cliques – the same players that Shackley intersects
with, going back to Cuba, Laos, Afghanistan and Nicaragua –
have been involved for decades in everything from drug and gun-running,
to assassinations, covert warfare, and outright terrorism.

It is a terrorism
that increasingly has no particular face, no ideological credo,
no political goal. It is a terrorism motivated by power and greed.[1143]

By no means
the lone man behind the curtain, Ted Shackley represents one of
the more visible of this lexicon of covert operators upon whom the
powers that be depend on for their endless supply of "black
ops" and dirty tricks.

Perhaps this
is how Shackley knows, or seems to know, the complex truth behind
Oklahoma City.

It is a truth
that remains hidden behind a sophisticated labyrinth of covert operatives,
all of whom converge at similar times and places. They are, as David
Corn writes, "the little faceless gray men we never see and
seldom hear about."

Those we call
the "Shadow Government," the "Parallel Government,"
the "Enterprise," the "Octopus," or a half-a-dozen
other names, are carefully hidden behind an endless roster of official
titles and duties, and a plethora of familiar-sounding organizations
and institutions.

These same
faceless little gray men would pop up in the Oklahoma City bombing
conspiracy like interminable weeds between the cracks of the pavement.

From the Bay
of Pigs to Iran-Contra to Oklahoma City, the names, faces, and players
would coalesce for a brief moment in time into an indistinguishable
menagerie of politicos and spooks, terrorists and assassins –
to commit their terrible deed, then fade into the seamless world
were little distinction is made between assets and criminals.[1144]

Ted Shackley
was officially forced to resign from the CIA due to his dealings
with friend and renegade agent Edwin Wilson. Wilson and former CIA
employee Frank Terpil had smuggled two tons of C-4 to Libya, and
at the behest of Shackley, had set up terrorist training camps there
utilizing Green Berets led to believe they were working for the
Agency.

The ostensible
purpose of this maneuver was to permit the CIA to gather information
on Soviet and Libyan weapons and defense capabilities, and to learn
the identities of foreign nationals being trained for guerrilla
warfare.

Upon obtaining
their passports and travel plans, Shackley would alert their home
country’s secret police, who would then assassinate them upon their
return.[1145]

While Wilson
was sentenced to a long prison term, Terpil fled to Cuba, and has
since been involved in numerous dealings with the PLO and other
terrorists, supplying them with sophisticated assassination weapons,
detonators, and communication systems.[1146]

Terpil also
supplied torture devices to Ugandan Dictator Idi Amin, who used
a bomb supplied by Terpil to assassinate Kenyan cabinet member Bruce
McKenzie.[1147]*

One month later,
Terpil was implicated in the murder of three executives of the IBEX
corporation – a high-technology company that was doing business
with the Savak. John Harper, IBEX’s former director of security,
said that while in Tripoli, he saw a mock-up of the ambush site
at the training facility that Terpil and Wilson had set up.[1148]†

Readers will
recall this is the same Frank Terpil that was seen by Cary Gagan
in Mexico City with Omar (Sam Khalid?), six months before the Oklahoma
City bombing. "I saw him down in Mexico," recalled Gagan,
"in November of ’94, in Mexico City… with Omar."

Gagan said
he and Omar met Terpil at the Hotel Maria Isabelle in the Zona Rosa
district. Gagan didn’t know who Terpil was at the time, but described
him as a fat, balding, 60ish fellow, who was "terribly dressed."
In other words – Frank Terpil.

"I heard
the name because I knew Wilson’s name from the Florence Federal
Penitentiary in Colorado." Gagan said that one of his intelligence
contacts, a man named Daniel, told him about Terpil. "The conversation
came up in reference to the Gander, Newfoundland crash," said
Gagan.

Was Terpil
in Mexico to supply explosives to Omar? While Gagan wasn’t privy
to the conversation, he believes that was the purpose of the meeting.

When Wilson
and Terpil were selling arms and explosives to Libya, they were
reporting to none other than Ted Shackley. Kwitny notes that Wilson
and Terpil were hiring anti-Castro Cubans from Shackley’s old JM/WAVE
program [and Green Berets] to assassinate President Qaddafi’s political
opponents abroad:

Some U.S. Army
men were literally lured away from the doorway of Fort Bragg, their
North Carolina training post. The GIs were given every reason to
believe that the operation summoning them was being carried out
with the full backing of the CIA.…[1149]

Readers will
also recall that while Timothy McVeigh was still in the Army, he
wrote his sister a letter telling her that he had been picked for
a Special Forces (Green Beret) Covert Tactical Unit (CTU) that was
involved in illegal activities. These illegal activities included
"protecting drug shipments, eliminating the [Octopus’s drug]
competition, and population control."

This is exactly
what Shackley, Clines, and Secord did in Laos – assassinating
and bombing Vang Pao’s opium competition out of existence.

Could this
CTU McVeigh claims he was recruited for be a latter-day version
of Shackley’s assassins? Former federal grand juror Hoppy Heidelberg
said McVeigh’s letter indicates that he turned them down, while
former FBI SAC Ted Gundersen claims McVeigh actually worked for
the group for a while, then became disenchanted.[1150]

If McVeigh
had actually been recruited for such a group, the question arises
of what cover-story he was given. As discussed, it is highly likely
he was told that he was on an important mission – to infiltrate
a terrorist organization and prevent a bombing. Considering McVeigh’s
background and character, it is unlikely he is a terrorist who set
out to murder 169 innocent people.

Also recall
that McVeigh was seen with Hussain al-Hussaini. The Iraqis would
provide a convincing and plausible excuse if McVeigh was led to
believe he was part of a sting operation: "Son, you were a
hero in the Gulf War. Your country needs you now in the fight against
terrorism." It is a story a young, impressionable man like
McVeigh would fall for.

It is also
possible that McVeigh was sheep-dipped as disgruntled ex-GI for
infiltration into the neo-Nazi community, which would provide a
doorway into the bombing conspiracy through places like Elohim City.

Or perhaps,
as a result of his becoming "disenchanted" and "leaving"
the CTU, he became targeted for "termination," and was
set up as a fall-guy. Such is standard operating procedure for those
who attempt to leave the world of covert operations.

Either way,
the fact that there appeared to be two "Timothy McVeighs,"
just as there were two Oswalds, would suggest a sophisticated intelligence
operation, one that was designed to put McVeigh in the wrong place
at the wrong time.

Like Oswald,
McVeigh probably believed himself to be a government agent, part
of a secret project.

Like Oswald,
McVeigh was not told what the plan really involved, and was trapped,
framed, and made a patsy.

This goes a
long way towards explaining why an armed McVeigh didn’t shoot and
kill Officer Charles Hanger when he was stopped on the Interstate
after the bombing.

Why would a
man who had just killed 169 men, women, and children balk at killing
a cop (a member of the system that McVeigh allegedly hated) on a
lonely stretch of highway?

The only possible
answer is that McVeigh believed he was part of a sting operation
– a government asset – and would be protected.

Whatever McVeigh’s
actual purpose and intent, it is curious, to say the least, that
Ted Shackley would tell D’Ferdinand Carone that the perpetrator
of the bombing was somebody from here.

How did he
know?

Roger Moore,
the mysterious gun dealer whom the government claimed McVeigh and
Nichols robbed to "finance" the bombing, ran a company
next to Bahia Mar Marina in South Florida (a popular hang-out for
the Iran-Contra crowd), which manufactured high-speed boats. The
boats – sold through Intercontinental Industries of Costa Rica
(an Ollie North "cut-out") – were used to mine Nicaragua’s
harbors in "Operation Cordova Harbor."[1151]

One source
I spoke to said Moore had direct contact with Oliver North. "I
don’t know who his [Moore’s] contact was on Iran-Contra beyond Don
Aranow. I know he had access and would talk directly to Oliver North.
He knew Felix Rodriquez pretty well, he knew Nester Sanchez, Manny
Diaz, all those guys around Jeb [Bush] pretty well."

This source
also claimed that Moore was a "paymaster" for Tom Posey’s
Civilian Military Assistance (CMA) – the covert paramilitary
operation that served as the primary nexus for arming the Contras.

A retired CIA/DIA
agent I spoke to in Arkansas, said "[Moore] was an Agency contractor."

Other sources
say Moore was an informant for the FBI. He allegedly tried to sell
heavy weapons to the Militia of Montana (MOM) as part of an FBI
sting operation.

A call to MOM
indicated that Moore had indeed stopped by for a friendly chat.
He told Randy Trochmann, one of MOM’s leaders, that he was traveling
the country meeting with militia groups in an attempt to verify
black helicopter sightings and rumors of UN troop movements. This
seems a peculiar pastime for a man who worked for a network of spooks
devoted to bypassing and subverting the Constitution.[1152]*

What is also
peculiar is a letter written by Moore to McVeigh in early 1995.
Introduced at the trial of Terry Nichols, the letter, speaks of
"a plan… to bring the country down and have a few more
things happen."[1153]

Robert "Bud"
McFarlane went on to form his own consulting firm, and joined the
board of American Equity Investors (AEI), founded by Prescott Bush.

AEI’s board
of directors reads like a Who’s Who of the spook world, including
former CIA officials George Clairmont and Howard Hebert, and CIA
lawyer Mitch Rogovin, who was George Bush’s legal counsel when he
was Director of the Agency.[1154]

AEI invested
in a Tulsa, Oklahoma company: Hawkins Oil and Gas, from 1988 to
1991.

McFarlane was
a "consultant" for Hawkins and several other companies
on the Ech power project in Pakistan, which required frequent trips
to that country.[1155]

This was during
the tail end of the largest covert operation the U.S. ever conducted
– the arming of the Mujahadeen, who trained in Pakistan.

McFarlane sat
on the "208 Committee," who’s job it was to procure weapons
for the Mujahadeen, and arms contracts for the Pakistani government.

Recall that
Richard Armitage, who was the contact for Fazoe Haq, governor of
the Northwest Frontier Province, also sat on the "208 Committee."

As Alfred A.
McCoy writes in The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia:

It’s known
that the CIA paid the Afghan guerrillas, who were based in Pakistan,
through BCCI.… That the Pakistan military were in fact banking
their drug profits, moving their drug profits from the consuming
country back to Pakistan though BCCI. In fact the boom in the Pakistan
drug trade was financed by BCCI.…

BCCI also served
as a conduit for the Iran-Contra operation, largely through Gaith
Pharon, former head of Saudi Intelligence, who operated out of Islamabad,
Pakistan.

The Saudis
played a major role in funding the Mujahadeen and [via the request
of Secord and McFarlane] the Contras.

McFarlane –
who former Mossad official Ari Ben Menashe claims is a Mossad asset
– worked with the president of Hawkins’ International Division,
Mujeeb Rehman Cheema, on the Ech project.

Was Hani Kamal’s
supposed statement that Khalid was connected to the Mossad accurate?
A prominent Muslim community leader, Cheema claims he does not know
Sam Khalid.[1156]

Interestingly,
Gagan said that at one point, Terry Nichols rendezvoused with his
Middle Eastern friends at the Islamic society of Nevada. Cheema
is chairman of the Islamic Society of Tulsa. Is there a connection?
And what of Cheema’s links to McFarlane? Was McFarlane using Hawkins
as a front for CIA activities in Pakistan?

It is perhaps
prophetic that many of the terrorists implicated in the major bombings
of the last decade attended the terrorist conference held in the
Northwest Frontier Province town of Konli, Pakistan in July of 1996.

As noted, Osama
bin Ladin, a Saudi who funded the Mujahadeen and was implicated
in the Riyadh and Dhahran bombings, (a close associate of Sheik
Abdel Omar Rahman, implicated in the World Trade Center bombing),
Ahmed Jibril (who bombed Pan Am 103), and senior representatives
of Iranian and Pakistani intelligence, and Hamas, HizbAllah, and
other groups attended the conference.[1157]

Stephen Jones
claimed he had learned through the Saudi Arabian Intelligence Service
that Iraq had hired seven Pakistani mercenaries – Mujahadeen
veterans – to bomb targets in the U.S., one of which was the
Alfred P. Murrah Building.[1158]

Just who were
these "Pakistani mercenaries," and were they really working
for Iraq?

1118. (*) General
John Singlaub, a former OSS agent, has the distinction of being
the first U.S. officer to pay his indigenous personnel at Kinming,
China with five pound bags of opium. Ray Cline (Iran-Contra) was
a member of Singlaub’s team at the time. (Wall Street Journal, 4/18/80)

1119. (*) After
the Contra torture manual scandal, McFarlane was fired, then kicked
upstairs to the NSC to become Armitage’s Deputy. Among those who
participated in the original to plan "privatize" the Contra
operation were: Gen. John Singlaub (Ret.), Andrew Messing, then
of the Conservative Caucus, Ted Shackley, Harry (Heinie) Aderholt,
Edward Luttwak, Gen. Edward Lansdale (Ret.), Seal Doss, and Col.
John Waghelstein, former head of the U.S. military groups in El
Salvador.

1120. (824)
Andrew Eiva, former Green Beret, part of lobby effort for Mujahadeen,
interview with author; Christic, Op Cit. Reagan’s March, 1981 decision
was formalized in November as National Security Decision Directive
17, and hidden from Congress.

1121. (825)
Levine, Op Cit.

1122. (826)
Roberts, Op Cit.

1123. (827)
Bo Gritz, Called to Serve, 1991.

1124. (*) The
real reason that Britain went to war against the Chinese (The Boxer
Rebellion) was to prevent the emperor of China – concerned
about the spread of drug use among his people – from destroying
China’s opium crop. The British, who were making huge profits from
the opium trade, had Parliament declare war against the Chinese
for interfering with their profitable "commerce." One
of the spoils of that war was that Hong Kong became British territory,
resulting in a port controlled by England for the transshipment
of drugs.

1125. (828)
Speech given to the Arizona Breakfast Club in Phoenix in 1989, quoted
in Craig Roberts, The
Medussa File: Crimes and Cover-Ups of the U.S. Government

(Tulsa, OK: Consolidated Press, 1996), p. 200.

1126. (829)
Jack Colhoun, "The Family That Preys Together," Covert
Action Quarterly, date unknown. President Bush later appointed
former Florida Governor Bob Martinez as head of the U.S. Office
of National Drug Control Policy. Martinez had accepted campaign
donations from drug trafficker Leonel Martinez (no relation). Bush’s
son Jeb also had links with the Contra drug supply line through
Leonel Martinez; In November 1984, two years after Reagan announced
his "bold, confident plan" promising to "be on the
tail" of drug traffickers, cocaine imports had jumped 50 percent
and heroin was more plentiful than at any other time since the late
1970s. An estimated 63 tons of cocaine glutted the U.S. market in
1984. (James Mills, The
Underground Empire
, p.1125.)

1127. (830)
Dennis Bernstein and Robert Knight, "DEA Agent’s Decade Long
Battle To Expose CIA-Contra-Crack Story," Pacific News Service,
10/96; "Will Whitewash Of CIA-Cocaine Connection Continue?
Revelations Of CIA’s Connection To Crack Shouldn’t Come As A Surprise,"
The Birmingham News, 9/29/96. "Richard Gregorie, one
of the country’s top narcotics prosecutors in Miami… had aggressively
pursued big-time cocaine bosses and drug-corrupted officials in
and out of the United States. But as he began going up the drug-business
chain of command, he targeted foreign officials friendly with the
U.S. government, and the State Department started interfering with
his investigations, telling him to stay away from certain sensitive
areas. Gregorie’s operations were subsequently stopped at the request
of the State Department and he quit in protest." ~ Project
Censored, 1989. NSC memos discovered during the Iran-Contra investigation
revealed that Bush’s NSC advisor Donald Gregg was aware early on
of Contra involvement in the drug trade. Could ex-CIA chief George
Bush, at that point Vice President and Drug Czar, be unaware of
such goings-on when his reporting subordinate was quite aware of
Contra involvement in the drug trade?

1128. (831)
Celerino Castillo III and Dave Harmon, Powderburns: Cocaine, Contras
and the Drug War (Oakville, Ontario: Mosaic Press), 1988. As ex-CIA
field officer John Stockwell noted: "We cannot forget the Senate
Kerry Committee findings of cocaine smuggling on CIA/Contra aircraft,
the DEA reports on the number of prosecutions in which the CIA has
intervened to block prosecution of drug smugglers, the note that
escaped Lt. Col. Oliver North’s shredder that $14 million of drug
money had gone to the Contras, or the CIA’s 20-odd-year relationship
with Manuel Noriega."( (Austin American-Statesman, op-ed
editorial)

1129. (832)
Mike Levine, interview with author.

1130. (*) Shackley’s
main contact was Richard Armitage.

1131. (*) Edward
G. Lansdale, working with Shackley, headed a subset of JM/WAVE called
"Operation Moongoose." The assassination team was called
"Operation 40." Shackley’s later partners in the "Enterprise,"
Tom Clines and Edwin P. Wilson, also worked on JM/WAVE and Operation
40. Roselli and Giancana were murdered only days before they were
to testify before Congress regarding their alleged roles in the
Kennedy assassination.

1132. (*) Shackley
and Clines also directed an assassination program to eliminate Vang
Pao’s heroin competition. A CIA officer addressing a group of Green
Berets in Vietnam claimed that Shackley had been responsible for
250 political murders in Laos. Shackley would later become CIA Station
Chief of Saigon.

1133. (833)
Wall Street Journal, March, 1983; quoted in Cockburn, p.
103. Michael Jon Hand was a U.S. Green Beret who served under Shackley
in Laos.

1134. (**)
In fact, Nugan Hand rented adjoining offices with the DEA in its
Chiang Mai, Thailand branch, even sharing the same secretary! The
overall operation resulted in the huge heroin epidemic that swept
the country in the late 1960s and ’70s, not to mention the U.S.
troops in Vietnam who became addicts.

1135. (834)
Although Congress declared Phoenix unlawful in 1971, and ordered
the military to prosecute the guilty parties, the assassinations
continued until 1975. One operative – a Mr. Reaux – was
ultimately arrested and hung out to dry.

1136. (*) As
Marchetti stated regarding William Colby, "Colby is a very
dangerous man. I think he’s got the mentality of a Heinrich Himmler.
He would have made – and might still from the way he’s going
– a very good Communist. I mean that he’s the kind of guy who
is best qualified to run a concentration camp, not an agency like
the CIA."

1137. (835)
Michael Parenti, Inventing
Reality: The Politics of the Mass Media
(New York, NY: St.
Martin’s Press, 1986), p. 178. Also responsible for the squelching
of trade unions in Chile was the American Institute for Free Labor
Development (AIFLD), a CIA front, supported by corporations like
W.R. Grace and ITT.

1138. (*) Col.
H. Norman Schwarzkopf, Sr., the father of ‘Stormin’ Norman Schwarzkopf,
was an intelligence operative in Iran in the 1940s and 50s, and
helped set up the dreaded Savak.

1139. (*) It
is rumored that he was looking forward to inheriting the Italian
Fascist P2 account.

1140. (**)
It is interesting to note that Bush had been implicated in "October
Surprise," the backdoor deal with Iranian terrorists to hold
the 66 American hostages seized by pro-Khomeini forces until after
Carter’s defeat. It is therefore not surprising that Shackley and
Bush – both groomed for CIA directorships, but forced to resign
– would work together on covert and illegal deals such as October
Surprise and Iran-Contra.

1141. (836)
Weiner, Op Cit.

1142. (837)
Gene Wheaton, interview with author.

1143. (*) Victor
Marchetti aptly summed up this philosophy by examining former Secretary
of State Henry Kissinger: "He’s power-mad, a manipulator of
events. I don’t think he does it for any ideological reason, just
out of instinct. I don’t think he understands what this country
is all about. To him, everything is a deal…"

1144. (*) As
Al Martin, an Iran-Contra player, said, "Oklahoma City begins
with Iran-Contra. If you want to understand Oklahoma, start with
Iran-Contra."

1145. (838)
Affidavit of Colonel Edward P. Cutolo, commander of the 10th Special
Forces Group (Airborne), 1st Special Forces, 3/11/80, copy in author’s
possession.

1146. (839)
Maas, p. 286. The C-4 came from J.S. Brower & Associates.

1147. (**)
On July 3, 1976, Israeli commandos raided the Ugandan airport at
Entebbe after one of their airliners had been hijacked by the PLO.
McKenzie was instrumental in helping the Israelis, who had used
Kenya as a staging area. In his book, Manhunt, Peter Maas describes
what McKenzie got for his efforts: "Although he had been counseled
not to, McKenzie went to Uganda as part of a Kenya trade mission
to patch up relations with Idi Amin. The warnings seemed unnecessary.
Amin himself was on hand to bid McKenzie good-bye, presenting him
with the traditional Ugandan friendship gift, an African Antelope’s
head. Soon after McKenzie’s plane took off, it blew up. Inside the
Antelope head was a bomb, placed there by Frank Terpil."

1148. (†
Gene Wheaton, IBEX;s subsequent director of security who investigated
the murders, claims Shackley, Clines, Hakim, Rafael "Chi Chi"
Quintero, and Secord are all linked to the murders. John Harper
would later show up in Honduras training the Contras in the use
of explosives.

1149. (840)
Kwitny, Op Cit., p. 103.

1150. (841)
Hoppy Heidelberg and Ted Gundersen, interviews with author. Recall
that Heidelberg heard McVeigh’s sister Jennifer read the letter
into testimony.

1151. (*) Dewy
Clarridge and Oliver North were in charge of the harbor mining operation.
Moore’s friend Don Aranow, owner of Magnum Marina, which had the
original contract to build the boats, gave the contract to Moore.
Aranow was killed one day before he was to testify at the Iran-Contra
hearings.

1152. (**)
My source told me that Moore’s FBI contact was Tom Ross out of Hot
Springs, Arkansas, one of Ollie North’s "damage control"
men. "

1153. (842)
Nolan Clay, "Robbery Victim’s Alliances Promise Drama in Nichols’
Trial," Daily Oklahoman, 11/9/97.

1154. (843)
AEI articles of incorporation. The president of AEI, Harry Huge,
was a partner in the law firm of Rogovin, Huge, and Schiller.

1155. (844)
Cliff Lewis, interview with author. Mujeeb Cheema, interview with
author.

1156. (*) Interestingly,
some of Khalid’s workers were spotted in a Tulsa nightclub, The
Ocean Club, which is curious, since Tulsa is 100 miles from Oklahoma
City. McFarlane would not return repeated calls.

1157. (845)
Indeed, a major terrorism summit sponsored by Tehran in June of
1996 saw delegates from Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia,
and other Mid-East and African states, as well as Bosnia-Herzegovina,
Germany, France, Britain, Canada, and the U.S. come together to
form a joint working committee under the command of the new HizbAllah
International – transforming that group into "the vanguard
of the revolution" of the Muslim world.

1158. (846)
Timothy McVeigh’s Petition for Writ of Mandamus, 3/25/97, p. 81.
Jones points out, given the issue of the credibility of the information,
that the head of Saudi Intelligence is the King’s own son.

1159. (*) As
former high-ranking CIA official Victor Marchetti explained, "They’re
smart enough always to work through other parties. Generally, the
dirtier the work is, the more likely it is to be farmed out."

1160. (**)
Some of the members of ZR/RIFLE, such as Felix Rodriguez (AKA: Max
Gomez), and the leader of CORU, Frank Castro, would go on to form
the nucleus of the Contra drugs-for-guns operation.

October
17, 2011

Charles
A. Burris [send him mail]
is a history instructor in an American high school.

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