'We're Fighting a War': Civilian Disarmament and the Martial Law Mindset

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Denver
resident Shawn Miller is accused
of several acts of criminal violence
. On one occasion, he
and an associate beat a pedestrian, leaving the man with a broken
knee and a permanent physical disability
. In a second assault,
Miller and another
buddy beat a disabled Iraq war veteran so severely — using both
fists and clubs — that he briefly “flat-lined” as EMTs treated him
.

The facts in
those cases are not disputed, yet Miller has not been charged with
a crime. However, he is being sued by Jason Anthony Graber, one
of his victims. In light of Miller’s documented history of criminal
violence, the plaintiff’s attorney has demanded that the assailant
not be permitted to bring a firearm while being deposed.

Miller protests
that this is an unconscionable act of “oppression.” With the aid
of the Denver City Attorney, Miller — an Officer with the Denver
Police Department — has
filed a petition with the U.S. District Court seeking a “protective
order”
allowing him to be armed during the depositions.

The Department’s
Operation Manual requires that officers be “armed at all times”
— a provision that poses some interesting challenges for officers
who choose to bathe, assuming that there are any who do. “Requiring
a uniformed or non-uniformed police officer to disarm when he is
compelled to give a deposition at an attorney’s office, or at any
other unsecured location, presents a significant officer safety
issue,” whines an affidavit provided by Lt. Dikran Kushdilian of
the Denver PD.

While Lane
most likely wouldn’t choose that approach, he is sensible enough
to recognize that the State’s agents of armed coercion are the most
dangerous element in society, and prudent enough to act on that
understanding.

Owing to the
tireless efforts of the organs of official indoctrination, a large
portion of the public assumes that the opposite is true, and as
a result can be easily convinced that only those commissioned to
commit violence on behalf of government can be entrusted with the
means to do so.

A splendid
example of this deadly agitprop is offered by the “Toy Gun Bash,”
which was first inflicted on Providence, Rhode Island seven years
ago by the criminal clique running the municipal government.

Each year around
Christmastime, children living in Providence are compelled to line
up and feed their toy guns into the maw of the "Bash-O-Matic,"
a device described
by the Boston Globe
as "a large, black, foam creature
with churning metal teeth and the shape of a cockroach spliced with
a frog." In exchange for feeding their toy guns into this recombinant
monstrosity, each child is given a substitute toy that is deemed
to be suitably “non-violent.” They are also forced to endure a harangue
regarding “the dangers of playing with guns, real or fake.”

Attorney
David Lane
, who is representing Graber, quite sensibly insists
that some precautions must be taken in deposing people who are “defendants
because they have acted illegally and violently toward others in
the past.”

The
Denver Police Department has a well-earned reputation for brutality
and corruption
, and Lane has deposed more than a few abusive
cops, and those proceedings “can get very contentious. When I’m
cross-examining cops about their misconduct, past and present, they
get angry, and I don’t wish to depose angry people who have a long
history of violent behavior while they’re wearing a gun strapped
to their waist.”

Lane demands
that the deposition take place in a setting in which neither side
is armed. Denver’s municipal government demands that the examination
should take place at the federal Courthouse, where Miller and other
officers in similar cases “would surrender their weapons to the
custody of the U.S. Marshall [sic], and would be unarmed during
the deposition.”

In other words,
it’s not quite the case that Denver officers have to be “armed at
all times”; the critical issue is the preservation of the government’s
monopoly on the “legitimate” use of force in all circumstances.
Lane should counter Denver’s demand by offering to permit Miller
to carry his firearm to the deposition, while specifying that he
and his associates would also be armed. The official response to
that counter-proposal would be instructive.

The Providence
event, continues the Globe, is “a version of the gun buyback
program in which adults trade firearms for gift certificates."

In fact, gun
"buyback" programs are a form of what Dr. Edward J. Laurance
of the UN's Register of Conventional Arms calls "micro-disarmament"
— or, more to the point, civilian disarmament.

The expression
"buyback" assumes that government has a monopoly on the
use of force, and that only duly authorized agents of officially
sanctioned violence should be permitted to own guns and other weapons
— and thus the State is taking back from Mundanes a privilege
to which they're not entitled.

Gun "buyback"
and turn-in programs are a common feature of military occupations,
both here and abroad. U.S. military personnel in Haiti, Somalia,
the Balkans, Iraq, and Afghanistan have employed that tactic (as
David
Kramer notes
, this helps the occupiers to acquire a useful hoard
of "drop guns" that can be used to frame innocent people
as "terrorists" or "insurgents”). The same approach
was used to disarm
American Indians as they were cattle-penned on reservations
.

Over the past
decade, UN-aligned activists in several countries have staged events
in which guns confiscated from civilians have been destroyed, a
ritual sometimes called the "Bonfire
of the Liberties
." This is in keeping with UN-promoted
dogma (expressed most forcefully in its 2000 agitprop film Armed
to the Teeth
) that the only "legal" weapons are
those "used by armies and police forces to protect us,"
and that civilian ownership of firearms is "illegitimate."

The UN's
campaign for civilian disarmament
— which, just like matters
of national disarmament, is assigned
to the world body’s Office for Disarmament Affairs
— was inaugurated
in 2000 as part of the "human security" agenda promoted
by then-UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. In late 1993 and early
1994, Annan
— who at the time was head of the world body's "peacekeeping"
operations — presided over the disarmament, and subsequent annihilation,
of roughly 1.1 million Rwandans.

Annan was actually
an accessory before the fact to that genocide: Informed in early
1994 of the impending slaughter by Romeo Dallaire, the Canadian
officer commanding UN peacekeeping troops, Annan ordered Dallaire
to pass along his intelligence to the same government that was planning
the massacre.

Dallaire, who
had been ordered to disarm the future victims, was ordered not
to raid the government arms caches that were later used to carry
out the murder rampage.

Most of the
killing was carried out by machete-wielding mobs acting as government
subcontractors. But it would have been impossible to butcher hundreds
of thousands of armed people, nor would the mobs have been
able to round up and annihilate the targeted population without
the active support provided by the regime's armies and police forces
— you know, the armed agents of state violence who were there to
"protect" those who were hacked to pieces.

Children should
learn what happened in places
like Germany, Cambodia, and Rwanda
(as well as places like Sand
Creek
and Wounded Knee) when people willingly surrendered their
guns to their rulers — but a government school classroom is no place
for lessons of that kind.

One of the
cases used to promote the Toy Gun Bash in Providence actually underscores
the reliably fatal consequences of a government monopoly on force.
The Globe points out that as children were herded toward
the Bash-O-Matic, they were told the cautionary tale "of a
14-year-old boy who police nearly shot after they confused his air
pistol with a real gun." For rational people, this incident
illustrates the compelling need to disarm the police, rather
than swipe toys from innocent children.

The
same schools that use DARE programs
to recruit children into
the Pavlik Morozov
Brigade consistently force
psychotropic drugs on children who display unfortunate symptoms
of non-conformity
. This principle applies to the issue of firearms:
In the name of "Zero Tolerance," children are routinely
punished for such supposed offenses as bringing toy "weapons"
to school (including — I am not making this up — candy
canes
), improvising them from school supplies, or even drawing
pictures of guns, yet they are routinely encouraged to write letters
to members of the imperial military who are "serving our country"
by killing people who have done us no harm.

Those who insist
that religion has no place in the government-run school system aren't
paying attention: The entire purpose of "public" education
is to catechize youngsters in the worship of the Divine State. Rituals
like Providence's Toy Gun Bash serve a sacramental function; they
are the equivalent of a child's first communion in the government-sponsored
church of collectivist self-destruction.

While the little
lambs are taught to be docile, submissive sheeple, the Regime is
honing the lupine instincts of those supposedly tasked to protect
them.

As Las Vegas
Police Officer Wil Germonsen — who, like a large and growing number
of local police officers, has a military background – recently
told police academy recruits: "We’re fighting a war."

What this means,
of course, is that the state-created armed tribe to which Germonsen
belongs is an army of occupation — primed to kill, given broad discretion
in the use of lethal force, and trained to consider all of us who
don’t belong to their tribe as potentially lethal enemies.

One terrifying
illustration of the martial law mindset in action is found in the
murder of Seattle resident John T. Williams by 27-year-old Seattle
Police Officer Ian Birk, who joined the Seattle PD two years ago.

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